Mouthing new post-amnesty levels

“The devil can cite scriptures for his purpose”…William Shakespeare

Dear President Yar’Adua,
William Shakespeare is acclaimed, by many, to be the greatest writer of all time, and one can hardly dispute that after enjoying quite a few of his plays and sonnets. Few know, however, of the many personal demons that tormented this great man.

Few knew of his compulsive_obsessive dispositions in the areas of wine, women and drink; let alone that he died from gluttony…literally from overeating!
But what no one can dispute is that Shakespeare was a master at reducing fundamental truths to succinctly stated simplicities.

One of such eternal simplicities is encapsulated in the one_liner quoted above, namely, that “The devil can cite scriptures for his purpose”. This is a referral to the devil’s botched attempt to tempt our Lord Jesus Christ by spinning scripture at Him; but it is still relevant in so many contemporary contexts.

Adolf Hitler’s Germany, for example, learnt this the hard way, when master propagandist Joseph Goebbels (extrapolating from this Shakespearean axiom) unleashed “The Big Lie” paradigm on a highly susceptible people.

According to Goebbels, “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. But the lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the State.”

We thank God that Hitler’s ostensibly democratic [he was duly “elected”, like yourself, Your Excellency] and common good seeking [Hitler sincerely believed that his madly murderous schemes were good!], but truly evil fascist, regime is now history; but mankind is ever alert that the madness of The Third Reich be never replicated even to the slightest degree anywhere in the world.

That is why good governance in the 21st Century must be hinged on true democracy and transparency.Which brings us to where we are today in Nigeria, with democracy murdered courtesy of Professor Maurice Ewu’s Non-Independent National Electoral Commission and your administration’s struggles with legitimacy and transparency.

Even you, Mr. President, have repeatedly admitted that you attained power through a flawed electoral process (in itself, the basest form of fundamental corruption)…which is why you have deemed it necessary to start a process (even if merely salutary) of electoral reforms. But this is not our concern today, for the nation has resigned itself to your being Nigerian President….at least, till 2011.

What very few Nigerians have been able to accommodate, however, is your knack for mouthing platitudes such as the need to enthrone “the rule of law” and “good governance” [based on how you were tailored by the El-Rufais et al] without being compliant with the full-disclosure elements of commensurately mandatory transparency.

So, for example, we have had your administration loudly declaring “love” for the people of the Niger Delta: offering “armed militants” a dictated amnesty and telling all Niger Deltans to exhibit a submissive “perseverance, patience and hardwork” …without revealing what positive plans you have for the region?! All their demands for justice, and that you let them know your post-amnesty programme, have met with an insufferably condescending slowness of action to date.

You have not even deemed it auspicious to publish the long_overdue White Paper on the Report of the Technical Committee on the Niger Delta, which Your Eminence set up (as a favour?!) at the instance of the region’s people; notwithstanding the ongoing clamour [from militants, elders, youths, communities alike] that you do so immediately, in the interest of sustainable peace, as that would give the best idea of your time-bound plans for justice and development to come to the region!

However, you have no qualms or hesitation to fast_track the announcement and implementation of other policies and progammes inimical to the long_oppressed and beleaguered people of the region…such as vilely ordering a genocidal action against the innocent Izon aged, women and children of Gbaramatu kingdom; and the commencing of the further opening up of the north by making it gain direct access to the sea, via the dredging of the River Niger….[sans any credible Environmental Impact Assessments, and against the vociferous objections of the Niger Deltans who may have their communities washed away during the irresponsible dredging exercise!!!]

Before some hothead starts accusing this author of stirring up an anti-northern or unpatriotic hornets’ nest, we must remember that our national interest has so far been subsumed in our ethnic interests [despite the many recent claims by the vocal Arewa Consultative Forum to the contrary!]. All the Niger Deltans are demanding is justice, equity and respect within this contraption called Nigeria.

Contraption? Yes, let it be remembered, that it was the northern leader, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, who in his wisdom opined that “Many [Nigerians] deceive themselves by thinking that Nigeria is one….particularly some of the press people…..This is wrong. I am sorry to say that this presence of unity is artificial…..

The Southern tribes who are now pouring into the North in ever increasing numbers and are more or less domiciled there do not mix with the Northern people….and we in the North look upon them as invaders.”

Whilst we all welcome peace in the Niger Delta [and by extension in Nigeria], Mr. President, let the truth be known: Peace without justice is an anachronism…it is equivalent to a Goebbellian Big Lie.

Those hawks misleading you into thinking that a graveyard peace is the same as the desired sustainable peace are merely singing for their dinner by citing “scriptures to suit their purpose.” Shalom

The Nigerian Constitution: Amendment or conference?

OF all the constitutions that Nigerians and Nigeria had operated, none has been so severally stricture as the 1999 constitution presumably because of its military background. Some see it as an imposition by the military to ensure the unity of the country through a powerful and wealthy central government in a federal environment.

Nigerians who acquired Independence in 1960 were under the mistaken impression or grand illusion that they were running a federal system of government where each of the three regions had specific roles on Education, Health and General Administration and welfare of its people adequately provided for and securely protected by the constitution –The supreme law of the land.

The grand illusion was however shattered by the direct intervention of the federal government in the Action Group crisis which resulted in the breakdown of law and order in the Western Region. That apparent partiality of the federal government in the 1960s brought in its wake disputed elections, destruction of lives and properties and eventually, the disastrous but unnecessary civil war and the incursion of the military in administration.

With all its virtues, the 1979 constitution did not consider the attitude of Nigerians and the political naivety of Nigerians when it presented the presidential system of government for the country. Typically, Nigerian politicians messed up, enthroned tribalism, encouraged sycophancy and embraced political jobbery and corruption.

The 4-years tenure of the 1979 constitution showed vividly that the presidential system was costly and required matured flexibility which Nigerian politicians lacked. The failure of the 1979 constitutional experiment brought the return of the military adventurers into civil administration of the country.

Some of them brought order and discipline; some assaulted the Naira and crashed it while others saved our resources in foreign countries without our knowledge and consent. At the end of the military rule, the country was kept united but poor. The command tone ,’with immediate effect’ was in vogue but without any positive motion.

At the threshold of the 1999 Constitution, the centre (Federal Government) had become very strong ;states and local government councils had appeared in many shapes and forms, with neither homogeneity or wealth to survive and serve the citizens.

To lawmen, the 1999 Constitution , made by the military was designed to sustain military errors in governance , i.e. strong centre with weak states and weaker local governments; distorted federal fiscal system and gradual abandonment of welfare concepts.

The operation of the 1999 Constitution has shown clearly its limitations in many areas. Since the enthronement of Democracy more than a decade ago, the country has witnessed the growth of the “federal might” . An example is the operation of the concept of “stick first, ‘carrot later’ approach in the Niger Delta.

The federal government still takes more than fifty (50) percent of the country’s revenue; it is the only investor (on behalf of the country) in the oil and gas industry and distributes money realized to the other tiers of government as prescribed by the Constitution.

The experience under the operation of the 1999 Constitution confirmed the impression in political circles that the court and not the voter is the arbiter in any political contest. It has also enshrined the supremacy of political parties against individuals in the country. Only party members could contest elections in all tiers of government.

Thus, the supremacy of the party is complete and the removal of a non-performing ruling party is more than an herculean task. A more sinister aspect of experience under the present dispensation is the lack of security of lives and properties. While armed robbers confront security agencies in broad daylight, assassins and kidnappers operate freely day and night.

Political killings are becoming more fashionable while mere dissents are being visited with vengeance. It has become almost impossible to separate personal from political differences in a system where ‘everything goes’ in an atmosphere of recriminations and abuses.

It is a fact that a constitution cannot provide for everything or provide answers to all problems when the attitude of the people are fixated on wrong premises and remained unchanged. However, it is not too late to re-examine the present 1999 constitution in the light of obvious deficiencies which could not be appropriately or properly tackled by the Senate and the House of Representatives because of political partisanship and ethnic chauvinism.

These matters noted below should be suitable for a National Conference:
1. Power Problem and its effects on National Economy.
2.Parliamentary/Presidential system of government
3.Power of Federal Government in a federation
4.Many poor states or six viable zones
5. Federal/State police Authorities
6.Security of life & properties
7.Final solution to Niger Delta Development
8. Electoral Reforms

Nigeria’s latest global ranking

The latest ranking of Nigeria’s economy as the 99th in the world by the world Economic Forum, a Geneva-based organisation, does not bode well for our country. Nigeria was among the 133 countries assessed in the Global Competitiveness Report for the period 2009-2010.

The ranking is based on a poll of over 13,000 business leaders and a collection of key indices of each country’s economy. The outcome of the ranking, which is a yearly exercise, shows Nigeria five places down the scale. Last year, Nigeria’s economy was ranked 94th in the world. This implies that the key indices necessary for economic development are deteriorating rather than improving. The recent economic meltdown is said to have taken its toll on many countries, and Nigeria may have been hard hit by the aftershock of the global economic turbulence.

But the World Economic Forum in its report noted that Nigeria’s reversal of fortunes was deepened by a combination of factors which include weak institutional frameworks, security concern, high level of corruption especially in key government institutions, and by public officials and wasteful spending. For instance, in the area of weak institutions, Nigeria was ranked 102nd, insecurity (117th), corruption (122nd) and wasteful spending (120th).

Also, the worst area in the ranking was at the primary education level which was ranked 132nd out of the 133 countries that were surveyed. Besides, Nigeria’s state of infrastructure was described as appalling by the report. It was ranked 127th.

However, the consolation is that Nigeria’s macroeconomic environment received a somewhat favourable rating. It was ranked 20th. This is on the basis of what the report called Nigeria’s “high national savings rate” and “low national debt.” Also, our market size was rated very highly at 42nd in the world. This, the WEF report explains, provides opportunities of economies of scale to companies operating in Nigeria.

Overall, South Africa’s economy came tops in the African continent. Its financial markets were rated five times higher than they were last year. Key institutions are said to be in excellent form.

We are not surprised by the ranking. It confirms our fears, and indeed that of investors, that the Federal Government has done so much talk and less walk in improving our economy. Clearly, in the last one year alone, more energies have been devoted to policy pronouncements and less to concrete action plan that will move the economy out of its present doldrums. Knowledge-based economics seems to be lacking by the handlers of Nigeria’s key sectors. Institutions of government that are supposed to ginger economic growth are not measuring up to expectations. Official corruption still ranks high, infrastructure decay, erratic power supply, bad road network and spate of kidnappings, remain disincentives to investments. The latest turbulence in the capital market may have equally worsened matters.

Indeed, one of the consequences of Nigeria’s latest poor ranking is that it is capable of weakening investors’ confidence since investors make their decisions based on the strength or weakness of every given country’s economy. Such decisions are determined by business environment and efficiency, innovation and regulations, among other critical factors.

Sadly, none of these indices ranks high in investors’ scale of preference. Therefore, we urge government to take this latest global competitiveness ranking as a wake-up call to improve the economy.
Government and its key institutions must strive to establish and maintain international performance benchmarks for the economy if it must get good ratings that can sustain confidence in the country. A poor rating as reflected in the latest ranking by the World Economic Forum will not do our economy any good whatsoever

The N300bn stimulus package

The decision of the National Economic Council (NEC) authorizing the withdrawal of N300 billion (about $2 billion) from the Excess Crude Account to be distributed to the three-tiers of government–the Federal, states and local governments–to buoy the economy is a good one, only if the fund would be used for the stated purposes.

Excess Crude Account is the one into which Nigeria saves oil revenue above a benchmark level as a protection against any fall in world energy prices. NEC, an advisory body comprising the 36 state governors, the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, and ministers of Finance, National Planning, Attorney General and Minister of Justice, took the decision last week at the behest of the CBN, which had at its presentation during the meeting painted a grim picture of liquidity problems in the commercial banks due to the ongoing reforms in the banking sector.

As a result of this, President Umaru Yar’Adua reportedly requested that the $2bn be made available to the three-tiers of government to mitigate the negative impact of the liquidity crisis occasioned by the recent economic meltdown and the current credit crunch in the banking sector.

In this direction, the Federation Accounts and Allocation Committee (FAAC) is expected to begin the distribution of the funds to the respective tiers of government, as well as work out the sharing formula. The amount is to be used to pay local contractors, many of whom are owing banks huge sums of money. It is believed that Non-performing loans (NPLs) recorded in some of the troubled banks were partly attributed to debts by contractors. Secondly, the injection of the fund is to be used to execute projects which can create jobs and stimulate the economy.

We heartily welcome NEC’s decision. Indeed, we support every well-thought-out measure that will strengthen our economy. There is no doubt that due to ongoing efforts to sanitize the banking sector and the turbulence which has hit the capital market, resulting in huge losses in the value of stocks, our economy has received a hammering. It, therefore, needs a stimulus package that will propel steady growth.
Beyond that, domestic debt to local contractors is believed to have risen to an all time high of N1.9 trillion. Again, this doesn’t encourage economic growth. Therefore, the N300bn is seen as quick and short term fiscal stimulus that could put the economy back on the path of recovery.

However, as well-intentioned as this stimulus package may appear, our worry is that the fund may end up as political patronage, thereby defeating the lofty objectives. Misapplication and outright misappropriation of fund intended for public good have often been the bane of our society. It has become the occupational disease of our politicians who are notorious for not being good managers of public funds.

The timing of the disbursement of this money is equally suspect. Coming close to election year raises additional worry that the money may be misused by key officials of government, especially at the state and local government levels.
We urge the Federal Government to take a cue from countries such as USA on how to administer fiscal stimulus on critical sectors of the economy.

There is no doubt that the injection of the N300bn will, if well managed, accelerate economic growth. But, growth will be hard to attain if the fund is mismanaged or misappropriated. We had expected government to channel this stimulus package into specific critical areas such as road rehabilitation, housing and energy supplies. All the same, we challenge the three tiers of government, especially the officials who will manage the utilization, to think through the projects they want to execute. Transparency should be the watch-word.

Nigerians have watched with utter helplessness the rate at which public funds are diverted into private pockets. This stimulus package should not be allowed to go the same way.

Before another consolidation of banks

Prior to the present reforms initiated by the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr Lamido Sanusi, Nigeria’s banking sector was under a huge blanket of suspicion. Confidence, a key ingredient for stability, was greatly eroded. Even among the operators themselves, unethical and other underhand tactics were employed to discredit one another’s performance.

Despite the 2005 recapitalisation exercise, the financial balance sheets of some of the banks were not as good as the investing public was made to believe. It was, therefore, no surprise when the new CBN governor ordered an audit of the 24 banks. The outcome led to the removal of eight bank chiefs by the apex bank. A total of N620 billion was injected to keep them afloat.

With the audit exercise over, there are signals that CBN may commence another round of bank consolidation. Undoubtedly, lifting our banks from the morass they are currently mired in, requires comprehensive measures that should go beyond recapitalisation. We agree that as long as the banks’ balance sheets remain weighed down by problematic assets, credit growth will remain sluggish.
In this wise, a second round of recapitalisation is not a bad idea. But a fresh consolidation should be just one of the strategies to put our banks in good stead to withstand both domestic and external turbulence. Our worry, however, for any planned recapitalisation is that it could be a ploy by the CBN governor to reduce the number of commercial banks operating in Nigeria to his ideal number of 15, which he indicated on assumption of office.

If that is the reason, the CBN may be working to the answer in the name of consolidation. We hope that is not the real intention. While we support every effort to sanitize the banking sector, the CBN must create a framework that will enable banks emerge either through acquisitions or mergers. In this regard, the apex bank must be thorough and impartial. Any bidding to acquire the ailing banks, either by local or foreign banks, must be seen to be transparent. It must follow all due process.

It is our view that the main problem facing Nigeria’s banking sector is lack of corporate governance, not necessarily capital. For any meaningful reform, the operators must embrace best practices as demanded by the tenets of corporate governance. This entails keeping scrupulously to the ethics of banking. Until now, many banks have been found to cook their financial records, apparently to deceive shareholders and the investing public. Ethics mattered little to many of the bank chiefs. Violations of the rules and regulations were the norm. All of these were part of the portal of fraud that assailed the Nigerian banking sector before the CBN hammer fell on erring bank MD/CEOs.

Therefore, one solution is to ensure that henceforth, the banks and their Chief Executives are ready to play by the rules of proper banking operations. The key to enduring reform rests with enforcement of corporate governance and punishment of offenders. In the past, the CBN and the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) which should have kept watchful eyes on the commercial banks appeared rather soft in the area of enforcement of the rules. In some instances, top officials of the two regulatory authorities were accused of compromising themselves by cavorting with MD/CEOs of some banks. Too much familiarity breeds reluctance in enforcing the rules.

We advise that every plan by the apex bank to reform the banking sector must clearly define and determine the scope and next level the industry will aspire to reach. But in all, corporate governance must take pre-eminent position in every strategic plan.

Also, effective control measures that can identify and discipline erring banks staff should be considered. Overall, any fresh round of bank consolidation must go notches higher than the previous one

Vision 20-2020: Rising from ground zero

The Federal Government seems to have at last ended months of much talk and little action, and has released what now appears on paper as a realistic blueprint towards making Nigeria rank among 20 top economies in the world by the year 2020. The Vision 20-2020 document has been unveiled, after nine months of brainstorming by over 100 experts empanelled into groups to draft the vision plan.

In the last ten months alone, the Federal Government inaugurated a plethora of committees to translate the vision into reality. Among these was the Business Support Group (BSG), which was inaugurated in February. The Group was tasked to prepare a realistic framework that will meet government’s objectives in line with its Seven-Point Agenda.

Also, over the past months, other committees empanelled by government include the National Council on Nigerian Economy, and the National Steering Committee on Vision 2020.

We have always insisted that for Vision 2020 to have any realistic chance of succeeding, it must be matched by a corresponding action plan that is achievable, based on all indices that propel economic prosperity and political stability. In this regard, we welcome some of the critical areas stressed in the blueprint. First is that Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) must not be less than $900 billion, and the national per capita income which measures the people’s standard of living should not be less than $4,000 per year by the year 2020.

Besides, the document dutifully identified priority areas that government must address urgently. These include decentralisation of governance and sustainability, electoral reforms, land use/property reforms, public service reforms, national security, human capacity development, as well as critical infrastructure, with particular emphasis on power and transportation. It is also clear from the blueprint that government plans to generate 60,000 megawatts (mw) of electricity in order to make Nigeria among the 20 great countries of the world, by focusing on renewable and sustainable energy sources. Interestingly also, government says it hopes to make the citizens’ per capita income reach $1,700. This is 300 percent higher than the 2005 figure.

These are lofty objectives and targets and we commend the vision. However, we continue to insist that these are achievable targets only if government shows corresponding commitment to meeting them. Visioning is vacuous unless it is matched with political will and sincerity of purpose. Sadly, available facts on ground show pointedly that there is no unflappable commitment to achieving this ambitious programme, which is designed to make us rub shoulders with the top 20 economies of the world. That is why many Nigerians still harbour serious doubts about the workability of Vision 2020. We, therefore, challenge government to rise above this ground zero level and prove critics wrong that, indeed, it has the political will to provide steady power supply which is a major plank upon which all other developing plans can succeed. Less than three months to the deadline of meeting 6,000 megawatts, government is far from generating 50 percent of that target.

It is not enough to make promises, there should be clear time lines on each target.
We believe that the next two years will be critical, because it will be the period of elections. And how successful the polls are will depend largely on a set of factors which include genuine electoral reforms, and systems, institutions and processes anchored on good leadership.

We must not discountenance reforms, which are the bedrock of a sound public service and human capital development. It is regrettable that ten years into our democracy, the country is yet to have a comprehensive public service reform. We, however, believe that the current effort by the Head of Service of the Federation will yield the necessary result, if pursued with diligence. Inasmuch as we have our reservations about the government blueprint towards actualising Vision 2020, all hope is not lost.

We need to see a fundamental change in critical sectors that drive the economy. This is because any realistic vision must say something that clarifies the direction in which a nation intends to go. This can only be achieved through action, not by words alone. If Nigeria must meet the targets encapsulated in the 20-2020 blueprint, now is the time to begin comprehensive reforms in the critical areas that can make the vision possible. Without that, we are merely engaged in a pipe dream, mere chasing after the wind.

Nigeria’s latest global ranking

The latest ranking of Nigeria’s economy as the 99th in the world by the world Economic Forum, a Geneva-based organisation, does not bode well for our country. Nigeria was among the 133 countries assessed in the Global Competitiveness Report for the period 2009-2010.

The ranking is based on a poll of over 13,000 business leaders and a collection of key indices of each country’s economy. The outcome of the ranking, which is a yearly exercise, shows Nigeria five places down the scale. Last year, Nigeria’s economy was ranked 94th in the world. This implies that the key indices necessary for economic development are deteriorating rather than improving. The recent economic meltdown is said to have taken its toll on many countries, and Nigeria may have been hard hit by the aftershock of the global economic turbulence.

But the World Economic Forum in its report noted that Nigeria’s reversal of fortunes was deepened by a combination of factors which include weak institutional frameworks, security concern, high level of corruption especially in key government institutions, and by public officials and wasteful spending. For instance, in the area of weak institutions, Nigeria was ranked 102nd, insecurity (117th), corruption (122nd) and wasteful spending (120th).

Also, the worst area in the ranking was at the primary education level which was ranked 132nd out of the 133 countries that were surveyed. Besides, Nigeria’s state of infrastructure was described as appalling by the report. It was ranked 127th.

However, the consolation is that Nigeria’s macroeconomic environment received a somewhat favourable rating. It was ranked 20th. This is on the basis of what the report called Nigeria’s “high national savings rate” and “low national debt.” Also, our market size was rated very highly at 42nd in the world. This, the WEF report explains, provides opportunities of economies of scale to companies operating in Nigeria.

Overall, South Africa’s economy came tops in the African continent. Its financial markets were rated five times higher than they were last year. Key institutions are said to be in excellent form.

We are not surprised by the ranking. It confirms our fears, and indeed that of investors, that the Federal Government has done so much talk and less walk in improving our economy. Clearly, in the last one year alone, more energies have been devoted to policy pronouncements and less to concrete action plan that will move the economy out of its present doldrums. Knowledge-based economics seems to be lacking by the handlers of Nigeria’s key sectors. Institutions of government that are supposed to ginger economic growth are not measuring up to expectations. Official corruption still ranks high, infrastructure decay, erratic power supply, bad road network and spate of kidnappings, remain disincentives to investments. The latest turbulence in the capital market may have equally worsened matters.

Indeed, one of the consequences of Nigeria’s latest poor ranking is that it is capable of weakening investors’ confidence since investors make their decisions based on the strength or weakness of every given country’s economy. Such decisions are determined by business environment and efficiency, innovation and regulations, among other critical factors.

Sadly, none of these indices ranks high in investors’ scale of preference. Therefore, we urge government to take this latest global competitiveness ranking as a wake-up call to improve the economy.
Government and its key institutions must strive to establish and maintain international performance benchmarks for the economy if it must get good ratings that can sustain confidence in the country. A poor rating as reflected in the latest ranking by the World Economic Forum will not do our economy any good whatsoever.

PDP

THERE is a political dialogue (or diatribe - whichever you prefer) currently taking place simultaneously in Anambra State and in Abuja. It is a dialogue (or diatribe) of the hearing-impaired. No one is listening. There is only one item on the agenda. Participants are canvassing the best way to elect or select one candidate from the list of 47 candidates who have put up their hands to represent the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in the February 2010 governorship election in Anambra State.

Sitting round the table are leaders of the PDP who feel they are equipped with the best knowledge to determine what is best for the party. What is in the best interest of the party, they say, is that Charles Chukwuma Soludo, former governor of the Central Bank, is the finest candidate to contest the governorship election on the platform of the PDP. Other participants include: 47 PDP candidates from Anambra who are seeking to represent the party in the governorship election next year; PDP delegates to the ward and state congresses of the party; and lawyers and security guards.

Every political candidate fighting to represent the PDP in the Anambra governorship election believes that he or she has the most formidable credentials to win the election. Although the PDP leadership claimed that "The National Working Committee had done everything possible to ensure a selection process that is democratic, transparent, and acceptable to all since the release of the election guidelines by INEC," many aggrieved candidates and delegates argue that the process that led to the selection of Soludo (and Senator Emma Anosike, as his running mate) was neither democratic, transparent, nor acceptable to everyone.

It is tragic that the PDP leadership did not allow its governorship candidate to emerge through a free and fair election. However, it should be noted that the ward and state congresses which would have elected the candidate ended in a free-for-all, leading to a court injunction that terminated the process. Still, the idea that a clique of PDP leaders empowered themselves to select Soludo as the governorship candidate represents the hallmark of political dictatorship, injustice and manipulation of party rules for electing governorship candidates.

The manner of Soludo's selection, the selection of a governorship candidate through a process that was neither legal nor morally upright, and the oratorical false piety displayed by the PDP leadership suggest that peace will not return to Anambra soon. Even if Soludo manages to scale all the legal hurdles within the PDP, which he is sure to confront as he prepares for his final race to the Government House in Awka, even if he wins the February 6, 2010 governorship election, the legitimacy of his government would be the subject of endless legal challenges, editorial cartoons and public ridicule.

I don't know how Soludo, a man who managed Nigeria's Central Bank (an institution in which honesty and transparency are keywords) can afford to participate in a process in which the dark forces of politics thrive, where politicians deal and wheel without ethical consideration, and where fraudulent practices are compulsory prerequisites for success. Soludo must avoid turning himself into a sponge on which other aggrieved PDP candidates will dump their anger. It is a delicate situation because he did not select himself. However, he has the authority to reject the manner of his selection.

The way Soludo was selected as the PDP candidate for the February 6, 2010 governorship election does not bode well for democracy within the party. It is a ghastly signal to the people of Anambra State about how the PDP plans to govern if it wins the governorship election in four months' time. The manner of Soludo's selection not only violated the rights of other candidates to contest the election in a fair manner, it also rubbished public understandings of the concepts of transparency and evenhandedness.

In many ways, the PDP has mocked its own ideology of candidness. A political party that cannot adopt and reflect the principles of democracy in its internal affairs has no business trying to govern a state. A political party that cannot respect a court injunction is not capable of respecting its own "rule of law" philosophy. It is a disgusting scenario. The PDP is so determined to disentangle itself from the political logjam it created in Anambra that the party leaders were prepared to adopt less than sincere strategies to beat the deadline set by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for parties to submit the names of their candidates.

Rather than entrench peace and unity within the Anambra wing of the PDP, the dodgy procedures adopted in selecting Soludo have only deepened widespread disenchantment among members of the party at the ward and state levels.

Someone once said that the product of illegality will always wear the mark of illegality. This is what Soludo must avoid. If he must remain in the governorship race with his reputation intact, he must reject his nomination and ask the PDP kingmakers to conduct a fresh election that would give all candidates equal chance of victory. The process must be clear, fair and open. Delegates at the state and ward congresses of the party should exercise the freedom to vote for a candidate of their choice.

Part of the reason why the PDP is currently entangled in a bitter dispute with its own members over the election of a candidate for the governorship election in Anambra State has to do with the dominant influence of political godfathers in the party. In the PDP, as in some other parties, godfathers are untouchable. They are like inviolable precious commodities. They cannot be sanctioned because they are above the law. Over the years, the godfathers in the PDP have served the party so well in many ways that no one has the guts to curb the disruptive influence of these soldiers of fortune.

In Anambra State, no one in the leadership of the PDP has the courage to confront a particular godfather named Chris Uba. President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua lacks the political guile to engage Uba or to disrupt his network of troublemakers in Anambra. Even Olusegun Obasanjo, with all the powers entrusted on him as president, opted to dine with Chris Uba rather than to discipline him. In Chris Uba, Obasanjo found a fall guy who willingly helped him to actualise his sinister politics of divide-and-rule in Anambra. The PDP leadership must now accept that those who dine with the godfathers must be prepared to allow the godfathers to dictate how the party should be governed.

The disruptive influence of godfathers in Anambra politics did not start overnight. When Chinwoke Mbadinuju served as governor, he was regularly at war with his godfather - Emeka Offor. But the dispute between Mbadinuju and Offor was nowhere near the deadly entertainment that Chris Ngige and his godfather Chris Uba served the people of Anambra for more than four years. At one point, Ngige was kidnapped and trapped in a toilet, making him the first elected governor in Nigeria to be subjected to such indignity because he disagreed vigorously with his godfather.

If the PDP cannot eradicate the disorderly conduct of the growing band of godfathers within its household, it must learn to tolerate and live with the godfathers' kind of politics. If the PDP insists on retaining Soludo as its governorship candidate, the party must provide him with the mechanisms that would guarantee him a trouble-free run to the governorship election in February next year. It will not be easy because the 23 candidates who have visibly expressed their disagreement with the selection of Soludo could constitute major obstacles.

While Soludo could turn out to be a very good governorship candidate for the PDP (not minding that his enemies constantly remind us that the man is "politically inexperienced"), the key challenge for the PDP is to demonstrate that, in selecting Soludo, the party followed appropriate legal procedures, that it observed democratic norms, and that it provided other contestants a level playing field to be elected.

The challenge for Soludo is to find ways of drawing everyone to his side, to heal the wounds opened by the selection process, and to convince everyone that he is not a political "lightweight" as his detractors like to point out. Uniting the party should be the ultimate objective of the PDP and Soludo. Anything less would be a rehearsal for more disasters.

The Buy-Nigerian-goods campaign

THE current attempt by the Federal Government to encourage Nigerians to patronise Made-in-Nigeria products is a re-invention of an old initiative which in its presentation loses sight of the challenges involved and falls short on the scale of honesty. About N200 million has been earmarked for the campaign. Throwing money at a rather straight-forward issue would only serve the purpose of those government officials who obviously stand to benefit from managing the fund.

The Minister of Commerce and Industry, Chief Achike Udenwa argues that the only reason Nigerians are not patronising Made-in-Nigeria goods is due to ego, (self-pride that they are patronizing foreign goods) and not because Nigerian products are inferior in quality. "Attitudinal change is our problem and if our economy must grow, our attitude must change," he said. "We must consume our own product first before others could follow suit." On October 13, the Buy Nigerian goods campaign was flagged off in Abuja (they have started spending the N200 million!). Vice President Goodluck Jonathan, representing President Yar'Adua directed that henceforth, foreign beverages must not be served at official functions. If there would be penalties for flouting this order the Vice President did not say so. But the reports state that no Federal Government official should drink foreign tea, or foreign coffee, foreign fruit juice, or foreign water, foreign soft drinks, or eat any biscuit that is not made in Nigeria, except at home of course. Who is going to police this?

In addition, Nigeria's foreign aid to other countries must include made-in-Nigeria products such as "Nigerian assembled vehicles and Nigerian made blankets", and all contractors must give priority to made in Nigeria products. All uniforms and boots of the Armed Forces must also be sourced locally. And now listen to this statement by President Yar'Adua: "With a population of 140 million people, Nigeria's market is strong enough to sustain a bubbling domestic industrial sector if only Nigerians look inwards at their local products. Unfortunately many industries had to close shop due to lack of patronage of their products by Nigerians. We must, therefore, re-orientate ourselves to value what we produce in order to develop a strong and virile industrial base".

The Federal Government should stop playing the ostrich. The average Nigerian is not guilty of a lack of consumer patriotism as is being alleged. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry is looking for an opportunity to spend money. An old, well-worn, often wrong-headed Buy Nigerian goods campaign looks like a convenient excuse. Many industries did not close shop due to lack of patronage. They did because of the failure of Nigeria's industrial policy and even of the Nigerian state. The re-orientation that is being sought must begin with government. What for example, is the Federal Government's industrial policy? Spending N200 million on a hollow campaign cannot make up for a holistic framework for jump-starting the Nigerian economy "to develop a strong and virile industrial base."

The truth is that majority of Nigerians would rather patronize Nigerian products. Those who out of ego vote for foreign goods and services constitute a minority and they belong to the same class as those who want to spend our N200 million. We should be talking about consumer patriotism among the elite. President Yar'Adua says "if only Nigerians look inwards at their products." This should include government officials patronizing local hospitals, instead of taking hard-earned foreign exchange to hospitals in Saudi Arabia, Germany, South Africa, India and elsewhere. President Yar'Adua should ban all such trips by government officials! One other way to show good example is to make sure that the children of government officials all go to school in Nigeria, not abroad!

Between the President and the Minister of Commerce and Industry so much hot air was blown about buying Nigerian textiles. In the 70s, there were close to 200 textile factories across Nigeria. Today, they are less than 25. Two years ago, many of the factories including the famous United Nigeria Textile Factory (UNTL) closed shop, not because Nigerians were not buying their products but because the cost of production was so high it no longer made sense to remain in business. The Federal Government promised a N70 billion bail-out for the textile industry which it has now increased to N100 billion. Bail-out is one of those fancy phrases the Nigerian government likes to throw around, without the required will to produce results. Today, much better quality textiles are being imported from Ghana, Europe and China. President Yar'Adua's bail-out has not had any effect on the energy and smuggling crises which hobbled the Nigerian textile industry. And no one has yet resolved the mystery of an earlier N70 billion bail out fund which the Obasanjo administration "invested" in the textile industry: cheques were issued to the textile factories but those cheques bounced at the counter!

How about tyres? Michelin, Dunlop, the Odutola Tyres Company of old, used to produce tyres locally in this country. And Nigerians patronised their products. Where are the same companies today? Michelin and Dunlop have since shut down their factories in Nigeria and relocated to neighbouring countries, the Nigerian market now boasts of only imported tyres. There was also a reference to Nigerian assembled cars. Has the Federal Government done anything to support the car assembly plants in Nigeria? Federal Government officials ride imported cars, not so? And petroleum products: Is it because Nigerians are egoistic that the country's refineries are no longer functioning and the country has to depend on imported petroleum products? Nigerians would of course gladly buy made-in-Nigeria petrol, diesel and kerosene. It would be cheaper to do so, and all that scare-mongering about subsidy and deregulation and a likely hike in the pump price of petrol by November 1 would not have arisen.

For close to a decade, the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) has been complaining about low capacity utilization. In 2007, the World Bank ranked Nigeria's manufacturing sector 83 out of 117 countries, with capacity utilization at less than 40 per cent. The situation today is worse. The Minister of Commerce and Industry and his team of consultants should be more interested in coming up with workable ideas about how industrial capacity can be raised. In the 70s, both the Federal and state governments created industrial states. In Lagos alone, there were such estates in Isolo, Apapa, Ikeja etc, and they thrived. The factories in those estates have since shut down. Not because of lack of patronage. The ones that are still in business are either operating at low capacity, or they have become warehouses for imported goods.

Cost of production in Nigeria is too high, making it cheaper and more profitable to import foreign products. Government talks about buying made-in-Nigeria goods, but it has no policy for encouraging local productivity. There is in existence a lengthy Import Prohibition List, but all the items on that list are being sold openly on Nigerian streets. Government compromises local industry by not providing any form of protection and by refusing to enforce existing regulations. The Customs and Excise Department is on record as having once declared that the wives of prominent Nigerians are the leading smugglers in the country and that it is in no position to enforce the law due to pressures from the influential husbands of those women! Local industries would continue to fail if Nigeria remains a dumping ground for all kinds of imports.

Government must play its part. It watches helplessly as foreign companies doing business in Nigeria abuse the expatriate quota. A so-called local content policy in the extractive industry is not being closely monitored. Small-scale businesses are not encouraged. Import waivers are granted a chosen few with connections in high places, thus creating distortions in the market. These are the issues. Government needs to create an enabling environment, and a level playing field, for industry to thrive, and this would require fiscal and monetary policies that encourage entrepreneurship. Low interest rates. A strong currency. Uncertainties and instability in the system would have to be reduced. Provision of quality infrastructure is essential. Power. Good roads. These are elementary needs. The crisis of poverty must also be addressed. It is ironic that a country that continues to impoverish its people is campaigning about consumption of products and services. Many Nigerians are not even in a position to buy anything, they just want food, shelter and clothing.

The same week that N200 million was being spent on the Made-in-Nigeria goods campaign, the Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Youth and Social Development, Mr. Dapo Oyedokun declared that "Of the over 40 million youths in the country, 23 million are unemployable and therefore susceptible to crime..." This is what the Federal Government should be more concerned about. The army of unemployed, unemployable youths continues to grow largely due to bad governance. And the collapse of industry and the education sector. Leadership failure is at the heart of the dilemma. When Michelin closed down its Port Harcourt plant in February 2009, about 1,500 workers were laid off. Over 20,000 Nigerians lost their jobs when the Kaduna textile factories shut down. This year, the Corporate Affairs Commission announced the de-listing of 400,000 companies which had gone out of business. Where was the Ministry of Industry then?

If Nigerians must buy made in Nigeria products, those products must be available to start with and at affordable rates. Achike Udenwa and his team must refuse the temptation to waste N200 million on a campaign that begs the issue. He says the campaign will be taken to the six geo-political zones, and to states and local governments. If he has no idea what to do with that Ministry, let him start by reading a few books on the industrial revolution in South East Asia.

Making the monthly stimulus packages work

DESPITE the collaboration of the standing presidential economic team and the ad-hoc presidential steering committee, the Yar'Adua administration economic policies have induced and exacerbated instead of containing and fending off the adverse effects of the 2007 global financial meltdown on the already floundering Nigerian economy. At the just concluded 2009 IMF/World Bank annual conference in Istanbul, Turkey, the government delegation announced quite belatedly the plan to release $2 billion out of past excess crude oil savings from the Federation Account as a stimulus package for tackling the unyielding economic problems.

Before assessing the prospects of the proposal, attention must be paid to media reports that President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua first directed the Finance Minister to release the amount, which the National Economic Council subsequently purportedly ratified and vested with the requisite legal backing. That approach does not conform with our written constitution, which mandates the National Assembly to determine the revenue allocation formula as well as authorise distribution of funds from the Federation Account. Such usurpation of legislative functions by the executive arm of government is not in the national interest.

Next, it is necessary to correct any impression that government would inject $2 billion into the economy because N300 billion purported to be the equivalent of the said dollar amount would actually be released. From the point of view of sound economic analysis, the expected impact of correctly infusing $2 billion into the system (which real disbursement of Federation Account dollar proceeds presupposes) is heightened economic activity, which is the very opposite to that of injecting spurious N300 billion equivalent to merely bloat the money supply volume with attendant intractably disruptive macroeconomic problems which suffocate the productive sectors of the economy contrary to the intentions of embarking on a stimulus plan in the first place.

In effect, injecting naira equivalents voids the benefits derivable from export earnings. Nigeria's ruefully laggardly economy is the end product of unrelieved injection of spurious naira equivalents of well over $700 billion oil proceeds that has accrued to the Federation Account over the years. The foregoing explains why the present administration has been unable to reverse the unsatisfactory national economic fortunes: shortfall in oil revenue is not to blame because the executive arm has routinely drawn on the sizeable excess crude oil savings to adequately supplement the budgets.

Yet, as can be gleaned from recent official pronouncements, with barely two months left in the current fiscal year, the list of projects lined up for the N300 billion to be injected is a fair indication that the implementation level of the 2009 budget remains low. It is pointless to itemise the missed projects. However, the aspect of the stimulus plan relating to the settling of outstanding debts owed directly and indirectly to the banking system can and should be fully carried out by all tiers of government.

Recent developments in the financial sector have shown the harmful chain of reaction that results from unpaid debts. Our national experience squelches official hopes that the proposed stimulus package would help revive the manufacturing sector and generate jobs quickly. Much of the N300 billion would end up with cronies of government functionaries and, as in the past, be deployed to hurt domestic manufacturing activity.

However, if government is genuinely desirous of improving the national economy, the official characterisation of a planned routine disbursement from the excess crude oil account as a stimulus package offers a significant starting point. In fact, all monthly allocations from the Federation Account are serial stimulus packages that, once the proceeds are disbursed as earned and properly infused into the economy, will evolve and sustain the conducive environment in which private enterprise will flourish and contribute to the very rapid growth and development of the country. For a prosperous Nigerian economy, all that is required of government is to provide the right conditions for profitable investment by the private sector. It is the precondition for the public/private sector collaborative programme of evolving a private sector-driven economy.

Death for Fake Drug Merchants?

To the extent that fake and expired drugs are responsible for the deaths of several unsuspecting consumers and the incapacitation of several others, any measure to punish the purveyors of such calamities would just be okay.
This probably informs the Director General of the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control (NAFDAC), Dr Paul Orhii’s recent call for the imposition of the death penalty on manufacturers, importers and distributors of fake, adulterated or expired drugs.
The NAFDAC boss who argued that the existing penalty of 15 years imprisonment or N15, 000 fine is grossly inadequate for such offences, said the Agency had in fact prepared a draft bill that proposes the death penalty for onward submission to the National Assembly.
Surely, the desperation of the NAFDAC boss is understandable. The havoc wreaked daily on innocent citizens by the menace of counterfeit drugs cannot be underestimated. Although NAFDAC has in recent times made remarkable achievements in the fight against fake and expired drugs, the scourge, like many social problems in the country, has continued to show an inexplicable capacity for resistance.
This is partly due to the ‘sacredness’ of the proverbial ‘cows’ behind the manufacture, importation and distribution of these drugs of death. The battle royale between the cabals and Orhii’s predecessor, Prof Dora Akunyili, that culminated in the alleged assassination attempt on the latter is common knowledge. Such is the desperation of the fake drug cartel to sustain their morbid business. So, in a way, NAFDAC’s bid to confront a desperate situation with a desperate solution could be justified.
But we see some problems here: legal and logistic problems. How are we sure the death penalty would be an effective deterrent to fake drug crimes? The existing death penalty for crimes like armed robbery in the country has so far not been able to curb this violent crime. We note that the death penalty has hardened criminals’ resolve and make them to be even more brutal against their hapless victims.
So, we don’t think this strategy would work against fake and counterfeit drug merchants. It will not. Threats of the death penalty have not reduced kidnapping in states that have passed laws to that effect. And in any case, the death penalty is fast becoming out of fashion in most countries of the world. Even in Nigeria where it is still in vogue, the reluctance of the penal authorities to carry out the death sentence on several convicts is one of the reasons for the current congestion in the nation’s jails.
Some condemned people who have been awaiting execution for years continue to constitute a drain on the nation’s resources, a moral stain on its psyche and a strain on prison facilities.
What NAFDAC ought to do to curb the stubborn fake drug trade is to step up its monitoring and enforcement duties to ensure the quality of pharmaceutical products in the country. For this, there is a need for proper funding and better equipment of the Agency as well as improved remuneration for its personnel to discourage them from falling for the filthy baits of the criminals.
Government should also plug all avenues through which fake drugs get into the country while stepping up the pursuit of bilateral cooperation with countries from where these drugs are imported. That is why the NAFDAC boss deserves all the necessary logistics support in his bid to set up control points in China and India – two major pharmaceutical products exporting nations to Nigeria - to verify the quality of drugs headed for Nigeria.

Public Pressure on Public Officers

One distinctive feature of democracy is the right of the people to expect and demand good governance from elected officials and it is also the duty of the latter to perform creditably. In Nigeria, however, this noble relationship has for long remained misapplied and unsatisfactory.
Public expectations of office holders in the country seem to be at conflict with national aspirations. Yet both forces seem so powerful that office holders who are unable to handle them well remain ambivalent and at best inefficient.
What appears to be a clue to this sad scenario was an explanation offered the other day by the Benue State Governor, Gabriel Suswan, on a television programme. The inability of public officers to function well, according to him, is due to pressure from the public. He argued that government functionaries, as a result of the distraction, often lose concentration and divert funds meant for development to satisfy the need of individuals or groups. In other words, some public office holders have cause to be more concerned about preserving their positions through satisfying the personal needs of people than delivering the core responsibilities of government.
Although some critics have dismissed Suswan's revelation as an anticipatory defence mechanism to rationalise the looting of public treasury and underachievement that are evident in many parts of the federation, he indeed expressed an unfortunate reality. Family members, friends, communities and tribesmen, insist that the only way for a public officer to show his or her worth is to address their needs, make them richer.
However we are persuaded by trends in the country to believe that the persistent pressure on public office holders is largely a product of leadership failure. Successive governments have failed to frontally address critical issues like provision of social infrastructure and security. So, in the absence of adequate empowerment, health facilities, education, shelter and others, desperation compels the people to directly source money from persons they see as the faces of government. This option is not only beggarly but also undermines the essence of representative administration- the very soul of democratic practice.
Proper re-orientation is, no doubt, necessary at this point of national development to reverse the detestable drift. Public officers must come to terms early with the doctrine of true service. In most cases, people are reduced to beggars by twin effects of illiteracy and poverty, so prospective office holders should be determined to discharge their responsibilities effectively rather than succumb to any shaddy practices, including the so-called public blackmail.
No excuse should be made for corruption and ineptitude. This nation will fare better if persons in places of authority insist on doing the right things, and not compromise responsible and responsive governance.
Then, on their part, the people should not unwittingly provide public officers with reasons for underperformance. Poor implementation of projects and programmes is bad enough. And linking it directly to what is now being painted as the parasitic behaviour of the public makes the situation even worse. From whatever perspective it is viewed government patronage and begging are also caused by greed and selfishness without due consideration of the reality that such individuals stand to gain from the overall development of the country.
Embracing accountability and political maturity is, therefore, urgently required by public officials to wake them up to the much-needed task of ensuring that the socio-economic development of the country is the only guarantee for improved living standards of the people and, indeed, only true cure for poverty.

Not Christian, not Islamic but Nigerian

I REFER to the article by Isiaka Adams in The Guardian (August 7) which dealt with two other articles, one by Dr. Ishaq Akintola and the other by Dr. Reuben Abati, on the matter of Arabic inscriptions on our currency notes.
The articles together with the recent Boko Haram tragedy once again highlight the pathetic state of black Africans in a global cultural context as we find ourselves in dispute over foreign cultures or religions. How ironical it all is when one recalls that the people who brought us Christianity and Islam also enslaved us for centuries in the course of the slave trade!
As for the specific matter of having Arabic inscriptions on some of our currency notes one's own historical recollection is that it was the colonial authorities who introduced the Arabic inscriptions largely because literacy in Arabic in Northern Nigeria preceded the colonial era. As Isiaka Adams notes, the Arabic or Ajami, which is Hausa written in Arabic script, merely stated a currency's denomination or value in Hausa.
There was no religious message whatsoever. Indeed, among many if not most Nigerians, Arabic is virtually synonymous with Islam. Yet, Arabic preceded Islam and the Qur'an states clearly in Sura 43:3 that the message was revealed in Arabic so that Prophet Mohammed (SAW) would understand, he being an Arab. If he was a Nigerian the message would have been revealed in his Nigerian language. In much the same way, English is associated with Christianity in Nigeria simply because the Christian missionaries were mostly English-speaking as were the colonial administrators who were invariably Christians.
Let us note that having Hausa written in Arabic script meant that the only Nigerian language, major or minor, on the currency notes was Hausa. If other Nigerian languages are to be represented for 'balance' or even federal character would they be written in Arabic or English/Latin script? Let us recall that the official language of the country is English which is just as foreign as Arabic. Is it not a pity that in bickering over these foreign imports we are exposing our lack of an indigenous script or alphabet?
There is nothing intrinsically wrong with borrowing or adopting something foreign. For instance, following the Arab conquest and seven centuries occupation of Spain, the Europeans adopted Arabic numerals which had zero or cipher ('sifr' in Arabic) represented, even though they already had Roman or Latin numerals but in which zero is not represented. In the same way algebra ('al jabr' in Arabic), a branch of mathematics was adopted by Europeans.
By the way, Europeans held on to their Latin script. We black Africans would do well to be discerning and so take the best from other cultures as the CNN once advised: "Take the best from the west and leave the rest". Sadly, we appear to prefer to take the waste or worst from the west. As for our currency notes they all bear Arabic numerals which are not ever likely to be tampered with. Indeed, some of the notes still bear Ajami and no other Nigerian language.
Isiaka Adams points out that certain "Christian symbols" such as "the red cross at our hospitals" are enmeshed in our national life. Well, I would simply note that not every cross may be regarded as the Christian cross. The infamous Swastika of Nazi Germany is a form of a cross while the red cross is the Greek cross as well as being the plus sign of mathematics with its equal arms or parts. Perhaps one should refer to it as the "red plus" in order not to hurt the feelings of non-Christians. Kindly note that the letter "T" is also a cross. What may be regarded as the Christian cross is the Latin cross in which one of the four parts below the horizontal is longer than the other parts. It best represents the crucifix but without the body of Christ. As for academic and judicial robes that the writer also referred to one would find that they predated Christianity and reflect European/Roman even near-Eastern but not necessarily Christian culture just as not everything Arabic or Semitic is Islamic! The skullcap worn by the Pope and bishops of the conventional churches has its origin in the Middle East among Jews and, I daresay, Arabs who are both Semites, children of Abraham. In Nigeria we tend to equate the skullcap with Islam.
All said and done, one would appeal to Nigerians and other black Africans not to let the Semitic religions of Christianity and Islam cause bitter conflict among them. Having suffered centuries of enslavement in the slave trade era by Arabs and Europeans who brought us Islam and Christianity respectively we should not let the religions divide us. Instead, we should use the religions to teach the world peaceful coexistence, something the world desperately needs. This we can achieve by living according to the best traditions of whichever of the two religions we are born into or adopt. May we be rightly guided

Monsters in men's clothing

THE more I tried to overlook these stories because of their extraordinarily repulsive nature, the more I felt morally compelled to write about them. As I write this, I find it difficult to confront my fellow men with this question: what could drive a man to subject his own daughter to sexual abuse and to have children with her? Every time I read news reports about fathers who raped their daughters and fathered children with them, I am staggered by man's capacity to engage in the most grotesque behaviour. How much lower would some men drop before they are deemed eligible to capture the global prize for depravity?
The world has witnessed scandals of unimaginable proportions but the idea that a man would rape his daughter and father children with the same daughter stands alone as the worst form of parental abuse.
Although the world is marked by cultural differences, there are certain aspects of human behaviour that are regarded as morally unacceptable in many societies. The practice of fathers sleeping with their daughters is definitely one of them. Incest also belongs to that league. There are social, moral, religious, medical and genetic reasons why many cultures abhor these behaviours.
It may be rare in our society or indeed in Africa to find an instance in which a father has consistently abused his daughter sexually and fathered children with her. However, the absence of an example is not sufficient proof that Africa is free from such moral debauchery.
In the past 18 months, the world has been regaled in a sadistic way with disgusting tales of fathers who desecrated the innocence of their daughters. Just this week, from the Pacific nation of Papua New Guinea came the sickening report that a man who - believe it or not - "had trained to be a priest" was sent to jail for six years for sexually abusing his daughter and fathering three children with her. One of Papua New Guinea's local newspapers, The National, reported on Tuesday this week (6 October 2009) that the incestuous relationship between 49-year-old John Jack Pep and his daughter occurred between 2001 and 2007. Not only did the convicted man admit that he committed such an odious crime, it also emerged that he forced his daughter to hide the identities of their three children - two girls and a boy.
While sentencing John Jack Pep last week, Judge Regina Sagu said she would have imposed a tougher punishment but for a new law which provided for a lesser sentence. She said: "(This was) animalistic action, driven by demonic force, breaking the normal parent to child trust that rightfully exists within a family unit." The National newspaper agreed with the judge that the law needed to be amended to increase the punishment for men who sexually violate their daughters.
In an editorial entitled "Amend law to increase penalty" and published two days ago (Wednesday, 7 October 2009), the newspaper posed some soul searching questions: "How does a man become so demented that he will find his own daughter sexually desirable? How does such a man threaten his daughter with violence, rape her and make her pregnant - not once but thrice? And all this while training to become a pastor? How does he reconcile himself to his conscience and, if he really is a believer, to God?... He should have been given more than 20 years with no provision for parole on the grounds of him being a threat to society. We agree with Justice Sagu that his is an act befitting an unthinking animal. But even animals, you will note, do not directly mate with their young, so Pep has become a lower form of life."
There is a moral lesson in the story from Papua New Guinea. It is not all men who claim to be pastors who have the fear of God in their hearts. There are pretenders in white robes, operating as wolves in the day and in the night, wrecking the souls of not only their daughters but also other people's daughters and wives. There are also documented cases of pastors who were found guilty and condemned to death for killing and torturing their victims. Take, for example, the case of our very own "Rev King", who was sentenced to death by an Ikeja High Court in January 2007.
King was convicted on "five counts of attempted murder and a sixth count of murder" by Justice Olubunmi Oyewole on Thursday, 11 January 2007. According to Justice Oyewole, "the accepted evidence before the court is that the accused was angered by the supposed improper sexual relationship among the victims, upon which he assaulted them in various degrees and later decided to kill them by burning them". Rev King is still appealing that decision.
The proliferation of religious denominations, the emergence of numerous men who proclaim themselves as pastors has made it quite difficult for society to separate the criminally minded from those on a true mission for God. In Africa as in other regions, there are just too many men committing all kinds of sex and other crimes under the guise of religious duty. The fact that some of these men have not been exposed does not mean they don't exist in our own front yard.
It is not only Papua New Guinea that has been rocked by the odd news of a father who repeatedly raped his daughter. In 2008, an Austrian man named Josef Fritzl sparked international outrage when he was arrested for locking his daughter in a specially constructed windowless cellar under his house where he repeatedly raped her and fathered her seven children over a period of 24 years. Fritzl was later diagnosed with suffering from personality and sexual disorder. But what kind of lunacy would twist a man's mind so much as to induce him to imprison his own daughter for 24 years? Fritzl was jailed for life in March 2009.
Strangely, prior to his sentencing, Fritzl was bold enough to ask for leniency. He said: "I'm sorry from the bottom of my heart. Unfortunately, I can't change anything now." Fritzl's plea for forgiveness was laughable. But, you know, we must neverlaugh at a man who committed grievous crimes. How does the daughter recover 24 wasted years? Certain crimes should never be forgiven. Fritzl's crimes against his daughter (and grandchildren?) qualify as such. How do you forgive a man who, for 24 years, consistently raped, tortured, imprisoned, starved, and abused his daughter and the children he fathered? Fritzl would make a good experimental subject for forensic psychiatrists and perhaps social psychologists.
Even as the world was recovering from the shock of Fritzl's crimes, Australian media reported a similar case in which a man in his 60s has been remanded for allegedly raping his daughter and fathering four children with her for over three decades. It is one case that has shocked the larger Australian community.
From Austria to Papua New Guinea to Australia, the story is almost the same but with different degrees of repugnance. All over the world, we must examine this overarching question: Why do men - with or without disorders -- engage in such vice? What is it that stirs up the animal instincts in men and makes them powerless to control their libido?
The experiences analysed here show there are no cultural barriers to parental abuse. If it happens in western countries such as Austria and Australia, it can also happen in non-western societies such as Papua New Guinea. The challenge is for society to set up mechanisms that would serve as early warning signals so that these crimes could be detected on time before men inflict irreversible mental and psychological injuries on their daughters. There are too many monsters in men's clothing walking the streets of many countries. The best way to prevent these crimes is to find these criminals before they can claim more victims.

Their most honourable jokers

"LOOK, I think these our honourable lawmakers in Abuja are jokers."
" Easy. Easy, man... Don't allow anger to poison your soul. I have been warning you, the way you carry Nigeria on your head, worrying yourself sick about every little bit, you'd go grey before your time, and you'd be lucky not to go down with hyper-something. And the world won't end."
"It is just that some people make it difficult for you not to be angry in this country."
"So what is eating you up? "
"I have just read a story reporting that some lawmakers in the House of Representatives are pursuing a Bill which will grant lawmakers something in the nature of an immunity from criminal prosecution."
"Oh that. Don't worry yourself. It won't happen."
"The Bill has passed second reading."
"I say it won't happen. Because in that same House of Representatives, there are other lawmakers who are insisting that the law does not make sense."
"I don't want to count on that. I think we should all shoot down the Bill before it begins to develop a life of its own."
"To have any immunity from prosecution, members of the legislature would have to amend Section 308 of the Constitution. The point is that even that Section 308 which grants immunity from criminal prosecution to the President, the Vice President, Governors and Deputy Governors while they are in office is in contention. Our position is that it should be removed from the Constitution."
"Two years ago, we were told that once a President's or Governor's tenure expires, he will be up for prosecution for whatever crimes he may have committed while in office. So, how many Governors have been prosecuted? Are these not the same men who are being protected by their friends in privileged positions within the system? And now members of the House of Representatives also want immunity. The very thought of it!"
"If I may play the Devil's advocate, what the Reps are asking for is slightly different. Hon. Henry Dickson (PDP, Bayelsa) who reportedly sponsored the Bill for an Act to amend the Legislative Houses and Privileges Act, Cap L 12 2004 and for other related purposes is only asking for an expansion of privileges."
"That is..."
"The way I understand it, he is proposing that lawmakers should be treated with greater respect. If they commit any crime, law enforcement agencies should not just go and arrest them anyhow on the basis of mere allegation, except there is a warrant of arrest or if the man or woman is caught committing the crime. And in fact before any lawmaker in the National Assembly or the State Houses of Assembly can be arrested, the law enforcement agencies should first seek the permission of the leadership of the concerned House."
"€nd you say that is not a request for immunity and an abuse of privilege? Lawmakers want to usurp the powers of the police, and place themselves above the law. I say No. In fact, this is why I have always insisted that we should make our legislatures, part-time institutions, so some people don't think that they are so special. The law is no respecter of persons"
"Listen to this. The promoters of the Bill argue that the Bill will check the excesses of the security agencies"
"It will promote the excesses of lawmakers."
"Listen to what one of them said: "ìf we accept that members of the legislative Houses are honourable men and women, therefore the need for extra measures should be taken in arresting such a person."
"Well, I don't agree that all our lawmakers are honourable men and women. I don't see what is honourable about a lawmaker who slaps a security guard or his own colleague. I don't see what is honourable about lawmakers who during elections help to snatch and stuff ballot boxes. I don't consider an absentee lawmaker who is only interested in enjoying privileges honourable. These guys don't have the immunity they are asking for yet, and they are already going about telling people: Don't you know who I am? Have you forgotten how a former police chief once told us that the National Assembly is full of crooks? "
"Well some of the lawmakers disagreed, saying they don't need additional privileges as lawmakers."
"Those are the good ones. I salute them. The thing in this country is that people in positions of authority have a terrible reward mentality. They think they are superior to the rest of us. The only good thing I see in the proposal is the additional request that voting on the floor of the legislature should be recorded. I support that. We want to know the benchwarmers. And those who are are defending the people's interests. But immunity. No. If any lawmaker commits any crime, he should be subjected to the due process of the law like every other Nigerian. If he is innocent, the proper authority to determine that is the court of law, not the leadership of the Legislature. And it is also not the duty of the legislature to determine whether one of its members has a case to answer or not."
"You know when Nigeria is moving towards general elections all kind of things come up. If this Bill is allowed to pass, it means that if a lawmaker is accused of rigging or violent conduct during elections in 2010 and 2011, security agents cannot arrest him until they get clearance from the legislature."
"My take is that the proposed Bill is frivolous. Look in Italy, the Constitutional Court has just ruled that the Italian Prime Minister, Berlusconi can no longer enjoy immunity from prosecution!"
"I have told you it is all about the next elections. What do you think is happening in Anambra? It is all about the PDP wanting to win the Gubernatorial election, or to even frustrate it, so that their anointed candidate can be rigged into office. Look at what they are doing to APGA?"
"APGA's problem is not with the PDP. It is a question of internal crisis and disagreements with INEC"
"What is the difference between INEC and PDP? Can't you see the connection? Create problems in APGA, throw the party into confusion even if it means disobeying the court of law, and while APGA is fighting, smuggle the PDP into power. It is such a simple strategy. I can see through it."
"Poor Governor Obi. He had to turn into a newspaper article writer to draw attention to the conspiracy against him, against the rule of law, and against the ordinary voter in Anambra state"
"But he has been declared the APGA candidate by the Umeh faction. Although the two factions in APGA are in court."
"And you think INEC is going to wait for the courts? It has given the parties up till today to submit the names of their gubernatorial candidates."
"The same old story all over again."
"But the Ghanaian electoral chief who came to Nigeria to teach us how to conduct elections said something interesting. He says we should not blame Iwu for the problems with our electoral process. In his reckoning, there are many other factors that are responsible for electoral crisis and that other actors should be blamed."
"What do you expect him to say? Look, that line is taken straight from the pages of INEC's official report on the 2007 elections. He is telling INEC precisely what INEC would like to hear. And do you think the Ghanaian chief electoral commissioner will come to Nigeria as a guest of INEC or whoever and then condemn INEC? But we know the truth. What he is saying actually is that it is up to Nigerians to improve their electoral system. We can't quarrel with that can we?"
"To o o"
"But it is not only our elections that we need to reform, transform, change, restructure, redesign, re-focus... lend me one more word."
"It's alright. I think your point is clear."
"I watched the Nigeria-Germany match in the U-20 FIFA tournament in Egypt and I got all my answers. As a country we have lost the capacity to hold on to good things. We ruin our own chances with our attitude. We take one step forward, we take two steps backwards almost immediately. I am glad we are out of Egypt. And I won't be surprised if tomorrow our fate in the World Cup 2010 is sealed."
"We didn't deserve to win in Egypt. If we did, the Nigeria Football Federation would have gone round boasting about nothing. It is about time we realised that the world no longer respects nations that gamble, only nations that are properly organised."
"What is wrong with us?"
"You know, talking about Anambra, each time I reflect on what is going on in that state, I remember former Governor Mbadinuju who used to pray that "It shall be well with Anambra." And I ask when shall it be well with Anambra?"
"When shall it be well with Nigeria?"
"I guess when we all become militants, and we all take up grenades, mortar bombs, machine guns of NATO capacity.. did you see the list of frightening arms and ammunitions that those Niger Delta militants submitted? It is an open indictment of the Nigerian security system. Only God knows how many more of such deadly weapons are still in the unknown camps and in the hands of other militants who didn't have a chance to go to Aso Villa to wine and dine with the President ."
"ì hear the other people in the struggle are angry. They say some people have become elite militants shaking the President's hands, and have abandoned the struggle. They are determined to show that real power lies in the Niger Delta with the people. Have you not heard MEND saying it is not over?"
"But I read somewhere that Government Tompolo has now agreed to help the Federal Government protect the pipelines."
"No. The man has denied that. President Yar'çdua as part of the amnesty should have asked that man to change his name from Government to something else. We can't have two Governments in Nigeria!"
"I guess that all the arms and ammunitions that have been taken from the militants will now be handed over to our security agents and militants will now be asked to organise training for Nigerian soldiers and police men in the use of sophisticated weaponry."
"I feel like becoming a militant or a kidnapper. I hear those ones too may be granted amnesty soon. In fact, I also want immunity"
"But you know if they don't take development to the Niger Delta very quickly and address the core issues at the heart of the struggle, they are just joking. Have you read two recent books on the subject, Michael Peel's A Swamp Full of Dollars and Steve Azaiki's The Evil of Oil: Crises in the Niger Delta?
"What are they saying?"
"Look at the Governors, they think this whole thing is a joke. I understand the whole thing has been reduced to a competition: which Governor got more militants to surrender. They actually think this whole thing is a joke."
"But is it not?"

ASUU

THERE has been a series of interventions in the imbroglio between the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) but none has raised so much hope as the latest by the Governor of Edo State, Mr. Adams Oshiomhole, a veteran trade unionist and former President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC).
His intervention and the promise of renewed negotiations between the ASUU and the Federal Government raise a number of salient issues about the nature of leadership at the Federal Government level and the calibre of the President's appointed advisers. For over three months, it has been beyond the ability of the government's experts to proffer a solution to a festering problem that strikes at the very foundation of Nigeria's human resource development and capacity building mechanism. It is more worrying to realise that this has been a recurrent problem that has become over the years a typical Nigerian malaise.
It is a curious irony that earlier interventions of the Committees of Vice Chancellors (CVC), Chancellors and Pro-Chancellors, all deriving from the system, have been insufficient to enable government seize on some rare wisdom and understanding. This is apart from whatever advice professional experts would have had to offer, filtering the experience of other nations and our own past experience. Whether or not the Federal Government accepts the proposition, it has taken the intervention of Mr. Oshiomhole from outside the Federal structure, to draw government out of its shell.
In the first place, the initial decision of the Federal Government to call off the talks with ASUU was most baffling; ASUU members are not just citizens of Nigeria, but also direct custodians at a high level, of the country's capacity building process. The ASUU strike is a matter the government should not have consigned to a lackadaisical treatment given our critical need for capacity building and a first step to demonstrate that it is not just paying lip-service to Vision 20:2020 objectives.
Students in public universities have now stayed at home for a period equivalent to a whole semester. Although there is now strong hope for rapprochement between ASUU and the Federal Government, but so far all we can see is an abatement of ill-feeling between the two main parties to the dispute. The new window of opportunity offered by Governor Oshiomhole's intervention should therefore be fully explored.
Let it be clear to the Federal government what the people of this country expect from it. Their children are not supposed to come out of the universities half-baked and unemployed, as only the children of presidents, legislators, professors, businessmen and in general those who can afford overseas training cream off the good jobs, leaving those from the middle class and the poor in a lurch. Nigerians are interested in quality education for their children, and an education sector that is empowered in every respect to serve that purpose. Government should go on talking with ASUU, exploring all facets of negotiation to pull through a solution that will bring peace to our campuses, an elementary peace that is taken for granted in other countries. ASUU, on its part, must also take advantage of the resumption of negotiations to push its case without necessarily being belligerent.
It is hoped, nevertheless, that government is learning some lessons from this impasse. Less than a decade ago, this country went through a grotesque ASUU-Federal Government dispute that resulted in six months of university closure and intermittent stoppages that affected the career of students. Such incidents always ended in due course as if nothing happened and yet the effect on our educational system has been incalculably disastrous.
Government should be careful not to be seen to be obstinately insensitive to a strategic sector such as education, for, what is at stake ultimately, is the future of Nigeria.

Ambivalence over Gas Flaring

Again, the goal post for gas flaring has been shifted till December 31 next year. And Nigerians can only hope that it is the last. In the last six years, the goal post, deadline, has been shifted four times. The last shift was in December 2008 by the Yar’Adua government. Although the Senate which recently passed the Gas Flaring (Prohibition and Punishment) Bill seemed determined to ensure that the goal post does not move again, it is amazing that given the detrimental effects of gas flaring, the country has continued to tolerate the practice for this long. On all fronts, the gas flaring practice is reprehensible. Nigeria is considered the second highest offender of gas flaring. The worth of the flared gas according to the World Bank is put at $2.5 billion annually. The opportunity cost could be much higher. We are aware that the reasons for the shifting post are basically two. The defence of the oil companies and the Federal Government’s ambivalence, which must have caused a 1993 court ruling against gas flaring to be ignored. The oil companies have always argued that contrary to the belief of some people, the flares are not like candle lights that can easily be blown off. Gas is naturally produced with the crude oil, the country’s cash cow. To put good use to the flared gas it must be collected at every flowstation and exported in gas pipelines over kilometres of land and water to where it can be used. They say that unlike now when new gas production facilities have in-built technology to gather gas, most of the old facilities do not have this technology so there has to be fresh investment in gas-gathering plants. According to the oil majors, these are capital-intensive projects with long gestation period that do not only need timely funding, but uninterrupted execution. They readily point to the insecurity in the Niger Delta and its effects on project execution.But opponents to flaring have been insistent that gas flaring is injurious to human beings and the environment and the oil companies have been blamed for the continuous gas flaring in the country. They have been accused of disobeying the laws of the land just because they have the resources to pay the imposed penalty, and choosing out of selfishness, to ignore the environmental and health hazards associated with gas flaring. With growing concern for global warming, there can be no justification for gas flaring. However, as we have said before, the continuous flaring of gas is the result of the Federal Government’s indecision largely informed by the desire to eat its cake and have it. It is obvious that enforcing government’s deadline will mean oil production shut-in and oil revenue loss. And so, with dwindling oil revenue caused by a slump in oil prices and the Niger Delta, the true question to ask is whether the Federal Government, has the political will to enforce a deadline.The position of the National Assembly on this is clear on this. They have always wanted the flaring to stop. And with the bold step of legislation to walk the talk we think President Yar’ Adua should bite the bullet and save the country all the losses associated with gas flaring. One thing is sure: Government cannot eat its cake and have it. Neither can it walk both sides of the street. With growing international cooperation to stop global warming and the condemnation of practices that tend to contribute to the depletion of the ozone layer, Nigeria can only move one way – join the rest of the world.

Policing for Public Good

With a little over 377, 000 policemen, Nigeria, a nation of over 140 million people, is one of the most under-policed nations in the world. Nothing perhaps demonstrates this inadequacy more than the general atmosphere of insecurity of lives and property and the increasing wave of crime in the land in recent times. But it is one of the many ironies of our situation and inherent contradictions in our polity that almost one-third of this paltry police personnel are engaged in duties outside their regular calling, providing private security and even domestic services to few well-placed individuals while leaving the general security needs of the larger society unattended to.
It is against this bizarre background that we commend last week’s decision by the new Inspector General of Police, Mr Ogbonna Onovo to withdraw about 100, 000 policemen illegally posted to guard private individuals who are not entitled to such privileges.
In a move suggesting the dawn of anew era, Onovo, while handing down the order, gave the affected policemen seven days to return to their various service commands for retraining and reposting. The IG deplored the abuse of the services of policemen by members of the public and vowed to henceforth appropriately deploy the force’s manpower to police the general society instead of restricting them to some privileged few. This, indeed, is a commendable right step forward by the new IGP.
Onovo’s decision is also a welcome amendment of a Federal Executive Council (FEC) directive earlier in the year ordering the withdrawal of police orderlies from judges, commissioners, lawmakers and some other public office holders. Needless to say that that earlier directive, which kept silent on the fate of those attached to unauthorised individuals, mostly politicians, businessmen and even conmen, was greeted with widespread condemnation before it was eventually dropped.
Illegal posting of policemen as orderlies, guards and escorts to unauthorised citizens is an extension of our ingrained culture of impunity whereby public resources are often cornered by influential individuals for their personal convenience. Thus, in the face of general insecurity in the country, few people of means and power do not see anything wrong in beefing up their own security with some personnel from the regular police force whose full service complements are even inadequate to police the entire nation of 140 million people.
But then, the security situation in the country appears to have so far defied the heavy security deployment by even the privileged individuals, as, in most cases, the security details are often overpowered by the superior fire power of armed robbers, hired assassins, kidnappers and other hoodlums whenever they strike. Examples abound where many of these “big men”, with an array of security personnel swarming around them, have fallen victims of criminal gangs. It would appear therefore that most of those who retain the services of police orderlies do so not for any strict security reason but as an instrument to intimidate political opponents or business rivals, a duty these straying policemen appear to be well-versed in.
However, one pertinent question that must be answered by the police high command is: who authorised the posting of those policemen to those individuals in the first place? To be sure, this could be one of the pervasive underhand deals in public institutions that have continued to make our police force, in particular, the den of corruption. Therefore, it is not enough to recall those policemen on illegal duties. The police authorities should find out who sent them to their unauthorised duty posts with a view to applying appropriate sanctions for the aberration.
But more than this, the new IGP should take the issue of police welfare more seriously, as most of the personnel lured into guarding unauthorised persons went there in search of extra dough.

ASUU

In response to what the Federal Government calls the rigidity of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in the on-going nationwide strike, it has called off further negotiations with the striking lecturers. On its part, ASUU has sworn to continue its action until the government concedes more grounds and formalises their agreements. But since the destiny of Nigerian youths and integrity of university education in the country are at stake, both parties and indeed other stakeholders should urgently work towards resolving the logjam.
In taking its stand, government clung to a curious technicality, which was explained by the Chairman of the FG/ASUU Re-negotiation Committee, Mr. Gamaliel Onosode, the other day. He said: “The government team endeavoured to facilitate the conclusion of these negotiations at the strictly employer/employee level. Unfortunately, that effort has been stalled by the current strike action. We therefore cannot get to the point where the Councils can receive the documents and speedily conclude the negotiations for implementation. Consequently, the government team is not in the position to continue further negotiation with the Union until it suspends its strike action to provide an enabling environment for them”.
From the government view point, that argument is strengthened by the concessions it has reportedly made to the dons, at least, in principle: The autonomy granted to universities to appoint their own vice-chancellors, the 70 years retirement age as against the current 65 years, special monetary allocation for staff training and research, allocation of N33billion for the upgrading of six universities and also the 40 and 20 per cent salary increase for ASUU and non-academic staff respectively.
However, the lecturers claim to have enough reason for being skeptical about government’s sincerity. They cite their previous experiences on the same matters, bordering on their welfare and the restoration of the glory and quality to the education sector, particularly at the tertiary level. In 2001, government failed to execute the pact it had with ASUU. Three years later when it was due for review, it had not even been officially assented to, let alone implemented. And then, in the last days of the immediate past administration, it was re-negotiated, but it has remained unsigned.
The most unsettling episode in this government-worker melodrama took place in June 2007, one month into the present government. President Umaru Yar’Adua (also a former lecturer) called the teachers who were then on strike and persuaded them to call it off to give him a chance to tackle their grievances. They did. But in a twist, Yar’Adua declared that the face-off would only be settled by the Supreme Court. In this light, ASUU’s refusal to go back to work before concretizing its deals with government is understandable. Government’s decision to invoke the “no work, no pay” policy is, therefore, hasty. Sadly, it is not likely to work.
The right way to go now is back to the negotiation table. But in so doing, ASUU should accept the unlikelihood of achieving blanket conditions for both the federal and state universities. Reason: the two tiers of government are not only structurally unequal; their financial status is also uneven. Even individual states differ from one another in terms of revenue. So, while a mutually acceptable benchmark could be sought and agreed upon, compelling government to approve uniform remunerations would be unfair.
On a final note, government need not be reminded that in the current rating of universities worldwide, no Nigerian university is among the top 5,000. As the most important deciding factor in this critical aspect of national life, it should seize every opportunity to put education on the path of full recovery and dignity. Nigerians have suffered enough illiteracy, shame and underachievement occasioned in part by a mediocre educational system.