World Bank loan for budget deficit?

A CONCESSIONARY World Bank loan for Nigeria aimed at tiding over financing gaps in the 2009 budget featured in the discussions held at this year's World Bank/IMF Spring Congress in Washington, D.C., USA. Finance Minister Mansur Muhtar, who is accountable to the Nigerian people, merely glossed over the talks as exploratory. But World Bank Country Representative Onno Ruhl, assuming the responsibility that ordinarily devolves primarily on the leader of the country team, duly addressed a press conference in Abuja and revealed that negotiations for four projects were successfully completed.

The conclusions are astounding. The first project is an overarch. Having fleeced the country while acting as agents of the Paris and London clubs of creditor countries, the World Bank/IMF seek to perform similar exploits as agents of private international oil companies operating under Nigerian jurisdiction in "getting more enforceable commercial framework about the supply of gas" for local generation of electricity. The multinational oil companies (MOCs) neither relate to their home governments via the auspices of the World Bank/IMF nor have the latter been involved in the supply of gas and crude oil by various oil and gas producers to the world market.

Instructively the same MOCs have been unconventionally lobbying the National Assembly to delay interminably the passing of a number of oil sector reform bills that are meant to spell out the ground rules and the necessary framework for oil sector operations in the country. Plans by World Bank/IMF to accord Nigeria-based MOCs the status of sovereign states subvert and contravene provisions of the 1999 Constitution. Our national interest will be best served by passing the raft of oil sector bills into law to allow any dissatisfied oil company to opt out of the country.

The second negotiated project involves funding to have the way for every Nigerian household to own at least two insecticide-treated mosquito bed nets. The World Bank/IMF even drafted the leader of the Christian Association of Nigeria and the Sultan to Washington, D.C. to prepare them to help popularise the bed nets among the faithful. But it is not the place of World Bank/IMF and least of all Nigerian faith leaders to foist mosquito nets produced by private companies in developed countries upon impoverished Nigerians. Government should instead create the right investment climate to enable Nigerian entrepreneurs to manufacture impregnated bed nets locally so as to boost employment and arrest pervasive poverty.

The third project concerned the control of HIV/AIDS, attempts to implement the Gleneagles G-8 summit directive that developing countries commit in advance to purchase products of Western medical research into the various pandemics. However, it is not beneficial for Nigeria to obtain a World Bank loan in order to support Western medical research and drug exports. Any government action in this regard should be geared to fund local research into those diseases.

Apart from not being the priority items in the 2009 budget, both the second and third projects promote current consumption and import-dependency whereas what the country needs are development-enhancing projects that generate self-liquidating streams of income.

The fourth negotiated project curiously relates to funding for secondary school education. A few years after articulate stakeholders offered cogent reasons for rejecting World Bank funding for the universities, government preference for this project leaves much to be desired. Nigeria should independently fund secondary school education.

Further obnoxious implications of the so-called concessionary World Bank loans include the fact that over 50 per cent of their value is routinely expended on technical and consultancy fees (that incorporate kickbacks for recipient country government top shots) paid to foreign experts. The balance is tied to imports of overpriced items from particular developed countries while such projects are so poorly executed that additional WB loans are recommended. Worse still, loan recipient countries lose their independence of action to the World Bank/IMF, which proceed to pursue policies that are injurious to the countries' interests but favour developed nations. Government should shun subtle Western ploys to recolonise Nigeria.

Notwithstanding the country's present low debt service ratio, it is clear from the foregoing that a World Bank loan is a poisonous remedy for the treatment of budget deficit. It is therefore imperative for the country to operate within her means by scaling down the 2009 budget. We had noted last December 16 that the budget was not right, a fact that Mr. President has now confirmed by terming the 2009 budget faulty. Constituency projects and similar extraneous insertions in the budget should be expunged. There is need to plug all areas of wastage such as inflated salaries and duplicated perks for the governing political elite while the MDAs should discountenance any demand by legislators for under-the-table payments in return for less than diligent supervision.

Government should show Nigerians evidence of faithful implementation of the budget by rendering quarterly reports. It is not enough to give the amounts released; there should be detailed statements of expenditure on each project and the completion level attained. There should also be regular and detailed information on current government revenue receipts and other available financial resources.

To finance the revenue gap, government has at its disposal, one, the excess crude account. How much resides in this account and how is it being deployed? Two, the foreign reserves become quite handy as their size in January was thrice the total federal budget initially presented to the National Assembly. Three, there are staggering proceeds of bonds (without requisite legislative backing contrary to financial and accounting best practice) arising from restructured treasury bills or mopped excess liquidity, which average some N1 trillion annually and which today have pushed the domestic national debt above N3.3 trillion.

Unfortunately, unlike inflation and deficit-combating conventional bonds that are made up of the spare resources of subscribers, these byproducts of faulty monetary policy management, on which the country is made to pay 10-17 per cent interest per annum, are hyper-inflationary and are therefore neither reflected in the federal budgets nor ploughed into any tangible investments. Latest CBN data indicate that repatriated proceeds on money market securities such as restructured bonds and treasury bills alone exceed $200 million monthly, a veritable dash to foreign interests while the administration goes a searching for entrapping World Bank bridging loan. To stem this leakage, the CBN should end the illegal practice of printing naira equivalents of dollar receipts in the Federation Account for sharing among the three tiers of government.

As regard loss of revenue occasioned by what the administration has euphemistically termed the situation in the Niger Delta, we hold that urgent reversal of the trend is vital to the national interest and therefore implore government to respect the legitimate demand of the people of that part of the country for a just federation. In general through good management of the available but largely wasting resources, this administration is in a position in 2009 to run the economy at full speed. There is absolutely no need for any rueful budget supplementation from abroad.

Oladipo Diya and the struggle for truth

THE publication in The Guardian edition of Sunday, April 5, 2009, of an interview granted by Oladipo Diya, former Chief of General Staff in the government of Sani Abacha, has raised questions about what Diya knew or did not know about the man he served. In the interview, Diya claimed to be as ignorant as the Nigerian public about the extent to which Abacha dipped his filthy fingers into the public treasury for his personal benefit. It's a view that many Nigerians still find difficult to accept, in light of Diya's closeness to Abacha.

When the interviewer tried to tease out how much Diya knew about the gravity of Abacha's corruption, Diya's answer was neither insightful nor reassuring. He said: "I didn't know that Abacha was stealing money. I read about it on the pages of newspapers. I found it difficult to believe that Abacha was stealing money." Many people would be staggered by this comment by a man who is viewed widely as the architect of most of Abacha's devious decisions.

When the interviewer asked, in bewilderment, how Diya, as Abacha's deputy, could possibly say that he did not know that Abacha was raiding the national treasury, Diya again insisted that he knew nothing about what Abacha did. His words: "These things (looted funds) being put (published) on the pages of newspapers were not taken from the budget. People said it was being taken from the Reserve Account...And up till now, I don't know how money was spent or taken from the Reserve Account and it's not something that was discussed or debated at the level of the Ruling Council. So, how would I have known?"

If you thought that Diya would by now have reflected sufficiently over his ignoble role during the years he served as Abacha's number two man, or that Diya would be contrite for what he did, you've got it wrong. Diya insisted in the interview that he had no reason to apologise to the nation. When he was asked if he could think of anything he would do differently if he found himself in a similar position today, Diya replied emphatically: "Nothing, nothing! I was second-in-command; I wasn't the head of state. So, I don't think there is much I would have done differently. My main function or duty was to advise the head of state and to carry out his instructions as detailed by him."

Diya's refusal to accept responsibility for the iniquitous conduct of the government he served in a high position, his consistent habit of shifting blame to Abacha, depicts him as a coward and a thick-skinned apostle of Abacha, at least prior to the emergence of the coup allegation in 1997. When Diya insists that he performed his job effectively and efficiently for Abacha, a dreaded dictator, you have to wonder whether many families who suffered terribly when Abacha and Diya ruled the nation will ever find the spirit to forgive Diya or Abacha or both men.

Perhaps the most arrogant and callous words that Diya uttered during the interview emerged in his answer to the question: "Do you have any regrets?" Diya replied in a coldhearted manner: "I would say no regrets because I did everything that I should have done. If it didn't go well, it's a different thing entirely. That the Almighty God saved me is enough. Maybe it could have been a different thing entirely. I am happy, and I thank God."

For those who do not know, Diya's reference to being saved by God has to do with the humiliation Diya suffered when Abacha accused him of plotting to unseat the government. On that allegation, Diya was arrested, tried by a military tribunal, convicted and sentenced to death.

For all the sordid things that Abacha's government did with the full endorsement of Diya, it came as a huge surprise to many Nigerians that Diya was one of the men who lined up at Nigeria's Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission to complain that their human rights were grossly abused by Abacha. Many Nigerians viewed this as a case of a brutish senior officer who suddenly turns around to accuse a junior officer of abusing him. In fact, when Diya rushed to complain to the human rights commission about the injustice he suffered during the period of his arrest, trial and incarceration, he seemed to under-estimate public anger against him.

When Diya told that commission that his arrest and that of his kinsman Major-General Abdulkarim Adisa was a part of a larger plot by Abacha to eliminate senior officers from the southwest from Abacha's government, he found that the ethnic card he played did not quite produce the result he wanted.

In the end, Diya did not get the "justice" he sought from the commission. As Sola Odunfa reported for the BBC on 18 December 2000, "General Diya came to the commission riding on the crest of public sympathy but he left the venue to boos and jeers from the spectators... He cut a sorry figure in the former Senate chamber as witness upon witness from the military painted a picture of the former number two man as a liar and a cowardly person." The point is that Diya was never loved by many people in the southwest, his natural constituency.


Eleven years after he left Abacha's government, Diya is still viewed as the chief collaborator (some people called him a traitor) in Abacha's grand design to imprison Moshood Abiola and to dilute Abiola's growing political influence. Keep in mind that although Abiola was widely believed to have won the presidential election of June 12, 1993, he was never allowed to claim that mandate because military dictator Ibrahim Babangida nullified the results of that election. Forget the charade that occurred last year when Humphrey Nwosu, the chief electoral officer in 1993, emerged from 15 years of hiding to declare Abiola the winner of the 1993 election.

Before all this, at the peak of his power in government, Diya projected himself as the philosophical pillar of the Abacha government. While Abacha was ridiculed publicly as unintelligent military officer, Diya was viewed as the public voice of that military junta. Diya, as the second-in-command, represented Abacha at most official ceremonies which Abacha could not attend owing to Abacha's fascination for doing business in the dark. When you see a man who spots dark sunglasses in broad daylight and in the night for purposes unrelated to his health condition, the man must be up to something.

The relationship between Abacha and Diya lasted for just four years - from late 1993 to mid 1998. Prior to the collapse of their friendship, things had been going on so smoothly between the two men that when cracks began to appear in the relationship, no one noticed. This was the context in which Nigerians were confounded one day in 1997 by the extraordinary allegation that Diya had plotted to unseat the very government in which he was a leading light. It was during the alleged coup plot that Abacha demonstrated to everyone that he was much smarter than the nation would credit him.

To prove Diya's complicity in the alleged coup, Abacha's agents and loyal officers produced a video film as evidence that Diya was guilty as charged. The video showed Diya, the no-nonsense soldier prostrating and crying before Abacha, as he pleaded for forgiveness. There were speculations that the video might have been doctored by Abacha's officers who did not like Diya. When Diya was hurled before the military tribunal for allegedly plotting with some officers to overthrow the state, many people argued that Diya was na•ve while others contended that nemesis had caught up with Diya. Whether he was a sinner or whether he was sinned against, Diya remains a divisive subject.

Diya must remain grateful to Abdulsalami Abubakar, the military dictator who took over government following the sudden death of Abacha in 1998 and pardoned Diya. Some people prefer to view Diya as Nigeria's equivalent of Niccolo Marchiavelli, the great Italian philosopher and politician who was more known for his outstanding ability to scheme, plot and outmanoeuvre other men. Eleven years after the demise of Abacha, Diya is still wrestling with his inner self about the truth, about what he knows about Abacha, and about how much he is willing to reveal to the nation.

Yar'Adua and the militants

ONGOING military operations by units of Nigeria's Armed Forces to crush so-called Niger Delta militants in their established enclaves of crime must be viewed dispassionately. The legitimacy and inevitability of a military response to the challenge they pose to state authority, which in its true form and purpose embodies the core of a festering sore afflicting our national psyche, cannot be questioned. We remain a people trying to invent a contemporary state and nation. Yet, without creating a national society, this goal we have set for ourselves will not be attained. The process of national society formation is long, hard and difficult. Without discipline, security and the willingness by all to live within the bounds of law, our quest will not begin.

The comments of a number of well-respected individuals, associations, groups and political parties on President Yar'Adua's decision to deploy soldiers to the Niger Delta to enforce national laws are disturbing. 'Back to the basics', do these commentators understand the essence of the philosophical category; the "state" and the concept "statehood?" It goes against reason that in a state, any state, there should be more than one arm bearing institution. It goes against common sense and value that there should be more than one army in any society. It is largely irrelevant, "if" or "whether" the militants in the Niger Delta attacked or did not attack anyone. The very fact that they possess such lethal weapons as automatic rifles, grenades, grenade launchers, GPMGs, anti-aircraft weapons, assault boats (etc), necessitates and legitimises a full blown military offensive against them.

Beyond this, by owning up to various acts of sabotage, kidnap and holding of hostages, wanton and deliberate killing of policemen, soldiers and other agents of the state, the so-called militants invited war upon themselves. To deny this, is to deny the obvious. You either live in a state or outside it. As a matter of first principle, once you live inside the national territory of a state, you must be bound by its laws. There cannot be criminal safe havens in the national territory of any state inhabited by battalions of armed killers and fugitives of justice, which agents of the state are barred from entering. On this, the statutes are explicitly clear. Outside the Armed Forces, any armed group resident in Nigeria is not only criminal, but may be said to be harbouring intentions to cause harm to, sabotage, wage war on, or overthrow the state. Or by some spatio-time miracle, have we been webbed in some 17th century fiction work of Robert Louis Stevenson?

It seems not a little surprising that the appropriate response of Nigeria's President and Armed forces Commander-in-Chief to the dangerous and unwholesome situation we have found ourselves is being cynically interpreted. If anything at all, his response should have come earlier. It ought to be stronger. Gangrene is not cured by lavender water. Yes, in its supervision of military operations to rid the Niger Delta of criminal elements, the military High Command must be told in no uncertain terms to act professionally and avoid the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians.

Yet, greater responsibility rests on community leaders and law-abiding citizens living in Niger Delta communities to prevent themselves from being used as human shields by criminal cults and groups, intent on avoiding being smashed by the long arm of justice. They must ask the criminals to stay away from their communities. If they feel sufficiently threatened by the criminals, community leaders in the Delta region must report the activities of these criminals to security agents. The state must protect such well-meaning community leaders and their communities. Only on the basis of an understanding that accelerated socio-economic development can and will occur in the Niger Delta if responsibilities are collectively shared, can security be guaranteed for all stakeholders in the region.

President Umaru Yar'Adua, the hour has come for you to show strength. You must not rescind your decision, no matter the pressure on you to do so. The Armed Forces must not be prevented from accomplishing its set tasks. If you hit the criminals in the creeks hard enough, those in the cities will understand that when they make you roll up your sleeve, they will find an iron fist.

The Commonwealth at 60

On a landmark day, 60 years ago, the Commonwealth officially came into existence. It was the outcome of an intense deliberation in London which lasted for six days. In attendance at that august meeting were the Heads of Government of Australia, Britain, Ceylon, India, New Zealand, Pakistan, South Africa, and Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs.

The communiqué issued on April 29, 1949 became known as the London Declaration. It was innovative, bold and pivotal in many respects. The London Declaration marked the beginning of modern Commonwealth. It meant freedom, equality and justice for all its member states.

This was not only in relationship to the titular head of the Commonwealth, but in their pursuit of peace, liberty and progress. Consequently, when George VI died and Queen Elizabeth II took over as the Head of the Commonwealth, the colonial vestiges were no more.

Instead came a partnership based on equality, choice and consensus. That momentous occasion of 60 years ago came full circle last month. It was a celebration marked with pomp and circumstance. But it also provided a platform for sober reflection.

We consider the theme of the celebration, “Serving a new generation” as apt and timely. It is our view that the Commonwealth has come of age. It calls for both retrospection and intropection on how the association has been, and how it can refocus itself for the challenges ahead.

Looking back, from the initial number of eight members, the Commonwealth has grown to a remarkable 53 member states. It is fair to say that the organisation remains more of an intergovernmental body than a political union. It has done well in advocating democratic government among its fold. In this respect, it has done creditably well in suspending recalcitrant member nations for serious and persistent violations. This is in line with the Harare Declaration.

Nigeria once tasted this “bitter pill” under the regime of the late Sani Abacha. Currently, Zimbabwe is on suspension. Better relationship has also been fostered through cooperation in many areas among member states through the Commonwealth Games and regular meetings among Heads of Government within the fold.

However, it is indisputable that much more needs to be done to make the Commonwealth continually relevant and ‘serve a new generation.’ Therefore, it is time for a self-appraisal, in line with the exigencies of the times. Areas that need closer attention include integration and economic cooperation, exchange programmes, technical and educational aids, infrastructural development, science and technology, among others. In recent years, these areas have suffered serious setback particularly due to problems brought about by economic challenges.

The times demand that an organisation such as the Commonwealth should re-invent itself. It is a leadership challenge that it needs to rise up to while keeping in mind its tripod principle of freedom, equality and justice. At the moment, these noble ideals are in dire need of good faith. Nigeria’s President Umaru Yar’Adua recently urged the leadership of the Commonwealth to show more clarity of purpose. It is a valid concern, because any organisation that cannot operate in an atmosphere of goodwill and understanding cannot stand the test of time. Certainly, present times need dynamic and focused leadership.

Today, it is estimated that two billion people live in the Commonwealth, and half of them are under 25 years of age. It then follows that to meaningfully serve this new generation of people, the Commonwealth must change its old ways and design strategies that will meet the yearnings of these people without neglecting the needs of the others. Overall, now is the time for a more forward-looking Commonwealth.

Yar'Adua's electoral reform bills

THE set of bills which President Umaru Yar'Adua forwarded to the National Assembly recently represent the clearest indication yet of his resolve to reform the country's chaotic and unreliable electoral system. In many respects, the bills have been distilled from the wide-ranging recommendations of the Uwais Committee on Electoral Reform, although there are divergences.

One bill spells out the conditions to be fulfilled by independent candidates, including the spread of nominations. Another bill responds pointedly to the embarrassing spectacle which the country has witnessed since 1999 whereby elected officials ditch the parties on whose platforms they were elected for other political parties. Under the present constitutional arrangement, only state and federal legislators are forbidden from carpet-crossing, provided that they will not lose their seats where they carpet-cross as a result of a fissure in the political party platform on which they were primarily elected.

The country has also witnessed state governors abandoning their original political parties. The most recent examples are Governor Isa Yuguda of Bauchi State, who has jettisoned the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) for the People's Democratic Party (PDP). The same holds true for the Governor of Zamfara State who has left the ANPP for the PDP. Under the proposed amendment, such governors or President or Vice President who carpet-cross will relinquish their office. It is doubtful if anyone who is desirous of strengthening and maintaining the integrity of political parties will be opposed to the proposed amendment which will help ease considerably the prevalent prostitution in the political arena.

Another bill seeks to establish the Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission. If approved, the commission will take over some of the current functions of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). These include the registration of political parties, the monitoring of the organisation and operation of parties, including their finances and arranging for the examination and audit of the funds and accounts of political parties. The commission will also handle the accreditation of local and foreign observers as well as of the media during elections. Additionally, the commission will set guidelines for political parties' fund-raisers, and ensure that party conventions and congresses are compliant with extant laws and regulations.

The commission is an unnecessary bureaucracy that will not only bring additional cost to the treasury but hardly be significant in electoral reform. Obviously, while the logic behind the proposed commission is to divest INEC of the attendant administrative task, so it can concentrate on the core function of managing elections proper, it does not appear convincing that a commission with a full complement of board, management and staff is what the treasury can fund either now or in the foreseeable future. We believe that a properly rejuvenated INEC can create a directorate to handle these tasks more efficiently and effectively than is the case at present. Creating another commission will raise issues of coordination as well, as politicians and stakeholders will find themselves running from one commission to another just to tidy-up their affairs and avert sanction that might result from non-compliance.

In any event, one of the notorious reasons for the ineptitude of INEC in recent years has been the fact that the electoral umpire perceives itself as beholden to its appointor - the President of the Federal Republic and his political party. This is why there have been calls for a drastic change in the mode of appointment of the INEC Chairman and the Commissioners who are at present appointed by the President. There is nothing in the bills now before the National Assembly to show that the prevailing order is about to change.

Indeed, there is every reason for concern, because just as INEC commissioners are the President's appointee, so will be members of the proposed Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission. It is not envisaged to be an independent commission, as the President may remove any of its members at the President's discretion. Above all, the President may issue directives of a general nature to the commission. Considering the widespread concern about executive interference with elections and electioneering, we do not think that these powers are necessary - nor is the proposed commission desirable.

However, there is great merit in the proposal to amend the grounds on which a person may be disqualified from seeking election as Governor or President. Under the present constitutional provision, one such ground for disqualification is where the individual has been indicted for embezzlement or fraud by a Judicial Commission of Inquiry or an Administrative Panel of Inquiry. The proposed amendment seeks to delete the words "Administrative Panel of Inquiry". Of course, Nigerians would recall how erstwhile President Olusegun Obasanjo in his bitter battle with his estranged Vice President Atiku Abubakar sought to frustrate the latter from running for the presidency in the 2007 elections. Obasanjo set up a kangaroo administrative panel of inquiry which proceeded to try and convict Atiku, and thereby disqualify him from the elections. Atiku was saved by the courts. It is desirable, therefore, that such potentially devious device be excised from the supreme law of the land.

Precisely when the bills that are favoured will become law is open to conjecture. Significantly, at about the time President Yar'Adua sent the electoral reform bills, he decried the slow pace of legislative activities in the National Assembly. Some of the bills have implications for amendments to the 1999 Constitution on which the Senate and House of Representatives have not made progress since last year when they were split over co-chairmanship of their Joint Committee. It follows, therefore, that a good chunk of the reform bills will depend on how soon and well the National Assembly can kick-start the process of constitutional amendment.

Nevertheless, it should be embarrassing even to President Yar'Adua that the party of which he is leader runs the executive and has overwhelming majority in both chambers of the federal legislature. Yet, in bemoaning the lackadaisical attitude of the Federal lawmakers, President Yar'Adua sounded helpless like ordinary Nigerians. It should not be so. Having presented the bills to the National Assembly, we do not expect the President to sit back, and wring his hands in frustration as the lawmakers waste time on frivolities. The true test of President Yar'Adua's sincerity to lasting electoral reforms will include how well he collaborates, urges and exhorts the National Assembly to bring about a new legal order that will be put to ultimate test on the field.

Enduring solution to N/Delta crisis

As the onslaught on the militants’ positions in the Niger Delta continues, there is a need for the nation’s military to exercise restraint to prevent attacks on wrong targets and thus avert imminent humanitarian disaster. Despite the urgent need to rein in the criminal gangs who have foisted a complete breakdown of law and order on the area, there has been concern about how to prevent innocent people from paying for the atrocities of a few elements.

But the Defence Headquarters continues to deny accusations of genocide. The government insists that no community has been razed to the ground and that collateral damage has been minimal. The Director of Defence Information, Col. Chris Jemitola, has however, warned that “the military will no longer tolerate or watch criminal gangs slaughter its personnel without response.”

President Umaru Yar’Adua had ordered a full military operation in Gbaramatu communities in Warri South West Local Government Area of Delta State, following the alleged killing of 12 soldiers and the sinking of two gunboats belonging to the Joint Task Force by militants in the area last week. The JTF troops were ambushed while on a mission to rescue some persons kidnapped and held at Camp 5, a notorious camp operated by a local warlord, Government Ekpomukpolo, aka Tompolo.

In response, both Iroko Camp, located in Oporoza, Warri South Local Government Area of Delta State and Camp 5 were severely shelled and were said to have fallen to government forces. About 19 hostages, including Nigerians, Filipinos and Ukrainians have been freed. The militants, however, claimed that the present bombardment had caused the death of some hostages being held by them. Many lives have been lost while more than 20, 000 people are believed to have been displaced or trapped.

Though the latest hostilities have drawn varied reactions, the situation in the Niger Delta area had for a long time gone out of control, calling for a firm response. Many parts of the regions, mainly the destruction of creeks, have become largely ungovernable. Law and order had broken down, posing severe threats to the nation’s oil-dependent economy. The nation’s crude production has been forced down to 1.6 million barrels per day from a production target of 2.5 million barrels. Therefore, there has always been a need to tame violence and curb rampant criminality in order to foster a favourable environment for development.

Since the outbreak of the present hostilities, for instance, the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, has claimed the destruction of the two trunk pipelines recently repaired in the Chanomi Creek and vowed to continue damaging oil facilities. The ultimate aim of the insurgents, according to MEND, is to completely cripple oil production and exports.

The Nigerian Gas Company, a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, is already recording a daily loss of 200 million standard cubic feet of gas, following last Saturday’s destruction of the Escravos/Warri Gas pipeline by militants. Already, the NGC has suspended further supplies of gas to the installations of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria, including Egbin Thermal Plant in Lagos and other strategic power generating plants in the country, in the wake of the attacks.

The Oil Producers Trade Section, last year, revealed that the nation’s oil industry was losing more than 10 billion dollars annually due to the crisis in the region, adding that between January and September, 2008, the nation recorded not less than 59 cases of attack on oil facilities, while 93 persons were kidnapped.

The unceasing wave of kidnapping, hostage-taking and destruction has since made it obvious that the hitherto legitimate struggle in the region for justice and fairness has been hijacked by common criminals in pursuit of selfish goals. No doubt, such criminals need to be hunted down to restore stability to the region. Yet, military action should not be seen as an end in itself. The aim should be to create a new environment of law and order where all tiers of government can embark on massive development projects for the benefit of all Niger Delta people.

The ministry specially created for the region and the Niger Delta Development Commission should be properly equipped to tackle the development challenges facing the region. The Niger Delta elders and retired generals should work with the Federal Government to bring peace to the region.

Above all, the platform of grievance on which the crisis is standing should be removed through a gradual return to fiscal federalism. The lesson from the crisis is that it is too risky to rely almost completely on oil for revenue and foreign exchange. The whole nation stands to benefit if the federating units are empowered to generate wealth and employment from the solid minerals and other resources now lying idle across the country.

'Winners' and 'losers' of the Ekiti elections

IF anybody can be described as politically suave and at the same time being apolitical, it is my cousin. An accountant by profession and an eloquent speaker (a trait he inherited from my late aunt - his mum) you can trust him to provide an unbiased update on most issues including the normally delicate family issues. Being based "at home" it is to him I always turn to bring me up to date on the political activities or non-activities in our rather unfortunate state of Ekiti. It was therefore to him I turned to give me a summary of the recent "election"," re-run" or " re-rig" (depending on your side of the political divide) exercise in Ekiti.

"How did the election go"? I asked him. His reply was "you mean the selection"? He said he would give a summary in one sentence - "Nigeria lost a good opportunity to redeem our image to show that we are ready for democracy" . To me, it was another bullet in the heart which has been bleeding about all the problems besetting the country. When friends taunt those of us from Ekiti that with "all your books" you have not got to the page of good governance, you look for an appropriate answer and you cannot find one. The greatest Party on planet earth - PDP - may go on popping champagne bottles and backslapping and chest trumping as winners. The opposition party AC may sulk as losers or even go on challenging the elections in court. But who are the winners and who are the real losers?

In a response to an article written by a friend recently on the Ekiti imbroglio, I told him that it was a shame if a ruling party could treat a state re-run as a "do-or-die" affair. To me the losers of the elections or is it selection are the people of Ekiti. I said in my response to the said article that if indeed the Governor of Ekiti had been a "performer" or what Lagos people will call "Action Governor" - the people would have advised him openly to just go and sleep and rest and plan for what other progressive plans he has for the state. People - I mean - real people, not mere hangers-on will not kick against any re-run, they will allow the achievements of the Governor to campaign for him. What achievements can we boast of in Ekiti? This was the same state where a governor was supposed to have rented chickens to commission a poultry farm!

This is a state where you have single town local government areas with government subsidies rolling in every month and yet most roads in the towns are not tarred, there is no running water and nobody is thinking about using the resources to seek alternative source of power to NEPA or the other that "holds on" to power without letting people have access to it - yes, I remember - it is called Power Holding! This is a state where instead of thinking of providing basic source of water like bore-holes, the powers that be are thinking of damming the rivers - seasonal rivers for that matter! This is a state of intellectuals being ruled and not led (apologies to Dr. Said Adejumobi) by people who think it is their birthright to rule as long as they have the support of the other small-minded money bags who really have no stake in the future of the state. This is a state where the most important thing to those in government is moving a higher institution from one place to the other rather than the quality of education being provided.

This is a state where the hospitals cannot boast of any modern equipment and people still have to travel hundreds of kilometres for quality health care.

This is a state where despite the academic laurels, people are so blinded by lust for power that common sense and some sense of mathematics elude us all. Otherwise how can I explain that in a particular area, there were 7000 registered voters and in an election where turn-out was said to be abysmally poor, there were 7000 votes cast for only one party! Where is our collective shame? In all this, who is the real loser? I am sure it is not Kayode Fayemi

It is that man who cannot put good food on the table for the family. It is the poor woman who dies in childbirth due to unavailability of good healthcare. It is the poor farmer who cannot get his produce to the market on time and who cannot get good prices for the produce when and if he gets to the market. It is the young boy and young girl who misses out on education because of the parents' abject poverty. It is that child who dies before his first or the fifth birthday because the rulers are more interested in ruling at all cost and does not stop to think of knowing how to spell life-saving words like "vaccine" not to talk of how to ensure that the children are immunised with proper and potent vaccines. It is the ordinary man, the ordinary woman and that young person whose vote was not made to count. When shall we have credible elections? I hope the ghost of June 12, 1993 will not haunt our dear country to death!

The Godfather: A new model, perhaps?

YOU have the power to elect a U.S. senator," Obama, told Emil Jones, Democratic leader of the Illinois state senate many years ago. Jones looked at the ambitious young man smiling before him and asked, teasingly: "Do you know anybody I could make a U.S. senator?" According to Jones, Obama replied: "Me."

Everyone who has paid attention to Obama's political evolution knows that Emil Jones Jr. was, to put it simply, his 'Godfather'. Jones it was who helped Obama master the intricacies of the Legislature. When Democrats took control of the state Senate, Jones, though he risked offending colleagues who had toiled futilely on key issues under Republican rule, he tapped Obama to take the lead on high-profile legislative initiatives that he boasted about in his presidential campaign. And when Obama wanted a promotion to the U.S. Senate, Jones provided critical support that gave the little-known legislator legitimacy, keeping him from being instantly trampled by the front-runners.

It wasn't due to a similarity in ideas or ideology. Far from it, the 72-year-old Jones, whose mobile-phone ring-tone is famously the theme song from The Godfather movie, is an old school politician in every sense of the world. He doesn't share Obama's message of 'hope' and 'change' and indulges as well as promotes Chicago's wheeler-dealer style of politics. In his memoir "Dreams from My Father," Obama dismissed this same man as "an old ward heeler". In 2008, after getting vital help from Jones for almost a decade, the man had now become, in Obama's words, "a powerful advocate for those who need a voice" and someone with "passion for public service."

It was all simple. Obama had the personality and intelligence to succeed; but he needed a major political figure in his corner - someone who could get unions, county chairmen and potential donors to consider the new guy with the strange name. And here we are now. Living in a country where 'Godfathers' are just one step down the ladder from Lucifer, and the very moniker conjures visions of corruption, election rigging, and a nothing-good-can-come-out-of-it odour, imagine the confusion in partaking of the universal admiration of the man Obama, whose inspiring ascension would have been impossible without the help of, yes, a Godfather.

If Lagos State were to be considered a location of strategic importance to international news agencies like the BBC and the CNN, there would have been inevitable comparisons between Barack Obama and the Governor. Whilst Adams Oshiomhole was initially granted the 'Nigerian Obama' stamp by default, it is Fashola who now inspires awe, whose name has become a symbol of vision and good governance, whose admiration has become a national pastime. Like America, we now have a leader we can speak publicly of in admiration without feeling that familiar tinge of self-consciousness.

It wasn't supposed to be like this. Fashola, like Yar'Adua, was supposed to be a failure. He was supposed to be a bumbling, overwhelmed man pushed into a task for which he was unprepared. Fashola - and even he will not deny it - was a result of that 'rotten' system of Godfatherism. A nondescript employee of the former Lagos State Governor, Bola Tinubu, he didn't impress anyone when it was discovered that a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) was in the 'lowly' position of Chief of Staff.

He was not even a contender for elective office, and wasn't possessed of a public profile qualifying him for even a local government chairman run. Put beside political heavyweights like Ganiyu Solomon, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, and Remi Adiukwu-Bakare the very mention of this non-starter invited ridicule. But like any state governor in Nigeria (save for Peter Obi of Anambra!) seems able to do, within a most magical six months, Governor Tinubu had made Babatunde Raji Fashola a front runner, and delivered to him a prominent public profile built almost overnight. Indeed, one suspects that sometime soon, political communication experts will have to study that phenomenon.

While the Lagos populace was geared for a contestant with name recognition like Musiliu Obanikoro or mass appeal like Jimi Agbaje, there was yet something compelling about the colourless, no-drama, technocrat personality who hardly knew how to put on the agbada (and has quickly discarded it upon the conclusion of campaigning) and when he became the Governor, no one was surprised. His backer, Tinubu, was after all the man who single-handedly built and established Nigeria's only credible opposition party. Tinubu might be a wheeling-dealing politician of questionable character, a dodgy past, and ambiguous achievements, but his credentials as a power player are impeccable at the least. So Bola Tinubu is enjoying a third term. On its own that should be a cause for disgust. However if this is the kind of third term that ensures a peaceful change in government, rapid development, and peace of mind, then small wonder there are many people who don't mind at all.

So what is the problem with the other Godfather arrangements in the country? How come Adedibu's Alao Akala is a plodding disaster? How come Obasanjo's Gbenga Daniel has become a bull in a china shop? Or to compare apples with apples, how is it that instead of fighting the problems of their states, Governors Amaechi (Rivers), Chime (Enugu) and others are fighting the former Governors who were solely responsible for putting them in office? Surely it cannot be a lack of political acumen on the part of the Godfathers. Neither can it be a lack of well-developed political structures in the respective states. The mistake? They were thinking only of themselves.

The difference in Fashola's case seems to be that, this time, his backer was a man who loves to play with power, but who was able to balance this desire with vision and an understanding that politics is a social contract, where if you deliver on your promises, the people will deliver on their votes. It would seem to tie in with Tinubu's public persona as a man of empathy, one who has an understanding that people make the nation - one who understands the extents and impacts of democracy as a form of government.

So in seeking to maintain a stranglehold on power, he was conscientious enough to position a successor with a head on his shoulders. He played this chess game brilliantly well - depositing the other contenders, career politicians like him interested only in the pursuit of power, in places where they are less likely to do harm. Like Obama also learnt, some compromises are necessary.

Tinubu is the politician, and Fashola is clearly the administrator - one is in search of political power, the other completely unimpressed by it. Ladies and gentlemen, admit it, that arrangement is working. Fashola has been a rolling stone of vision, focus and development, unencumbered by the worry of second terms and political patronage. Not only that, he has also been able to implement and perfect many of the visions that Bola Tinubu could not execute properly because he was busy fighting Kofoworola Bucknor, Gbenga Daniel, Olusegun Obasanjo and any other enemy that crossed his path.

And because of Fashola's success, Tinubu has become a force to reckon with in Nigeria's politics, a man to fear in the South West and an all-purpose colossus. Maybe that's what Godfathers should be about - creating an enabling environment for true leaders to emerge rather than being oafish stumbling blocks with no shred of vision. Indeed, as an aside, it baffles me how one politician feels he can hand over to another politician and still retain power even though time and time again this arrangement has proven toxic?

Two years ago, when Ribadu's travails were yet to even begin, someone close to the Yar'Adua campaign had taught me a crucial lesson about the make up of the politician. Politicians are men/women who play with power, he told me. You can mess with bank executives and 419ers, but not professional politicians. Politicians will use that very plaything called power to hunt you down - that's what they are about. By the time the politicians had systematically decapitated Ribadu, his prediction played out exactly as outlined. So when one politician hands over to another one would expect knowledge that the other will desire and eventually create a parallel political structure on and from which he can bounce power in whatever direction he wants. That is the lesson Tinubu obviously learnt when he swept aside friends and colleagues and picked a non-politician to succeed him.

An editor of the Financial Times Alan Beattie recently published a book, False Economy: A Surprising Economic History of the World. Much has been written about why some economies thrive while others flail and many fix it to systems - Capitalism! Democracy! - but Beattie refused to be dogmatic in his analysis. Corruption may have killed nations in Africa, he notes, but it worked rather well in South Korea, where bribery attained tax-like precision. Indeed, he says, any society can choose economic success with any political system - you arrive at the destination with the method that works for you.

I have always suspected that herein lies Nigeria's problem. We do not seem aware as a people that there are alternative political systems that we can choose from as they suit our unique make up - and that is how come we are stuck with an expensive Presidential system of government, a bloated legislature, a warped electoral system, a three-tier government where the local government is only an extension of waste, and why we have a satellite in space that has brought more controversy than development.

We have a knee jerk reaction to phenomena. We do not think them through before we criticise or praise. If a governor is a PDP governor, we automatically believe he must be deserving of opprobrium regardless of the facts, if Grandma Ayoka Adebayo tenders a resignation letter, we do not pause to interrogate her motives before declaring her a hero; that same knee-jerk is responsible for the universal detest of Godfathers: we don't care to think that perhaps it is the bathwater that is the problem, not the baby.

It can be expected that, based on the continued success of Lagos State, soon other governors and office holders will start using the Tinubu-Fashola Politician-Administrator model - and it is the people of Nigeria across board that will be better for it.

GM-free Europe: Lessons for Nigeria

THE 5th Conference of European nations on achieving G.M-free Europe in particular and the world in general was held at the lakeside Culture and Conference Centre in Lucerne, Switzerland. It was attended by 250 delegates from 28 countries in Europe and outside Europe. What was discussed was global - the effects of the application of genetic engineering and biotechnology to agriculture and allied matters and how to achieve "global food democracy".

"Global food democracy" means the upholding, protection and preservation globally, of the rights and freedom of all the nations of the world to practise the agricultural methods that do not involve tampering with the deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), individual genes, the expressions mechanism, and the expressions of the genes of organisms, and the right and freedom of the nations of the world to consume natural and organic foods. These rights and freedoms are consistent with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and Freedoms and the American Declaration on Human Rights and Freedoms, sovereign and inalienable rights and freedoms.

The necessity of the conference is understood and appreciated on the basis of the fact that the corporations that produce genetically modified foods (G.M. Foods), genetically engineered (synthetic) agricultural chemicals and fertilisers, and biopharmaceuticals, the government of the USA, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and some other international organisations, are pushing and imposing the adoption, by sovereign, independent and free governments and nations of the world, genetic engineering and biotechnology as their methods for the production of genetically modified organisms (GMOs), herbicides, pesticides, fertilisers, and genetically modified foods (GMFs).

The push, enforcement and imposition are being carried out despite the existence of the Universal Declarations on Human and Cultural Rights and Freedom, the Precautionary Principles (2000) in respect of the application of biotechnology and genetic engineering to agriculture, and the Nuremburg Rule of Procedure (1945) on universal safety and quality investigation and control.

The practice of genetic engineering and biotechnology as biosciences, involves tampering with the deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) of organisms, the mechanism by which the genes which constitute the DNAs express their proteins, and the proteins expressed by them. It is an indiscriminate, blind and unscientific transfer of DNAs and genes between completely different and distinctive organisms, using viruses as vectors (facilitators) although it is known that viruses carry and transmit known and unknown toxins and cause many diseases - known and unknown, curable and incurable. The practices are unscientific because, fundamentally, they are based on belief, hope, and wish. They are driven by commercialism and profit maximisation, war-politics, and the determination and desperation to have absolute ownership and control of biodiversities and their uses. The solid and liquid foods that are produced through the methods are called genetically modified foods (G.M. foods). The "modified" used is a deceptive and wrong use of language as the real effects of the tampering with the DNAs and genes is the poisoning of the organisms and, logically, the poisoning of G.M. Foods.

Kidney, lung, liver and immune system failures, cancers, cardiovascular diseases (heart failures, sudden death, EMFs, etc), teratogenic diseases - affecting children in the womb - epigenetic diseases (metagenetic diseases) caused by mechanisms that are outside the established and known Mendel's genetics, and pleiotropic diseases - the diseases the causes of which are not yet known and no medicines or medical treatments for which are available - have all been established as effects of the application of the biosciences.

At the end of the conference, the 250 participants declared unanimously as follows:

The participants of the 5th European Conference of GMO-Free Regions "Food and Democracy" call for an EU-wide moratorium on the authorization and the commercial planting of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). In the wake of six EU member states banning the planting of MON810 and in light of the rapid increase in GMO-free regions in Europe, there has never been a better moment for a moratorium than now.

This moratorium should be used to:


rethink EU legislation and strengthen regional self-determination;

redefine risk assessment according to the precautionary principle while considering socio-economic impacts; and

support GMO-free, diverse agriculture and ensure food sovereignty.
We call upon agro-chemical companies to no longer abuse the problem of world hunger in order to justify the introduction of GMOs. Practical experience belies this misleading propaganda, which we consider to be false and unethical.

The participants of the 5th European Conference of GMO-Free Regions conclude in the closing session of "Food and Democracy" that:


GMO-free agriculture and food are in accordance with the will of the majority of citizens in Europe; and

sustainable food production which eschews the use of genetic engineering is the best strategy for farmers and consumers, both today and tomorrow.
We are grateful to the citizens of Switzerland, who point the way for all of Europe with their democratic decision to instate a moratorium on the cultivation of GMOs.

Certainly this declaration has a lot of lessons for our federal and state governments, the federal and state legislators and, indeed, all Nigerians. At the moment, there are bills on biotechnology and genetic engineering applications to agriculture at the Senate and the House of Representatives which the USAID has been stampeding them to pass into law. The lessons of the declarations should be learnt by the president and legislators especially. Because what is at stake is human life, covering the lives of all Nigerians - unborn children and all future Nigerians - and because whatever affects human health and life affects our national development logically and unavoidably, let the Motto of St. Theresa's Catholic Primary School, Marine Beach, Apapa, Lagos, the primary school where the author of this piece studied, which says: "Honour and shame. From no condition arise. Act well your part, There the honour lies," be the motivation and justification of whatever action the president and the federal legislators decide to take, and how they act on the matter.

Ekiti: A post-mortem

The contentious and hotly-contested Ekiti State gubernatorial re-run elections ended on a controversial note last week with the declaration of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Engineer Segun Oni, as winner. The state’s Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Mrs Ayoka Adebayo, who announced the result, said Oni polled 111,140 votes against Action Congress (AC) candidate, Dr. Kayode Fayemi’s 107,017. She advised anybody who was not happy with the results to go to the elections petitions tribunal. Oni has since been sworn in as governor.

The AC immediately rejected the result. Its spokesman, Alhaji Lai Muhammed said the party would contest the verdict in court. Specifically, the party maintained its earlier rejection of the results from eight wards in Ido Osi, that were not collated at the designated Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) office in the area before it was set ablaze. The REC was alleged to have initially rejected the results prior to her initial withdrawal from the elections, but later accepted them.

The earlier postponed re-run election in two wards in Oye Ekiti, however, witnessed poor voter turnout, with Oni scoring 1,239 to Fayemi’s 830, in an area that had been touted to have 18,000 registered voters. However, the election was peaceful, with both parties commending the security arrangement.
It is unfortunate that the re-run polls, which had generated so much tension and drama before it held, still ended on a controversial note. The contentions that led to the re-run still abound.

With the declaration of Oni as governor, however, INEC has passed the ball to the court of AC. The party may consider taking up the REC’s challenge and contest the result at the elections petitions tribunal, if it genuinely believes it has been robbed of victory, and has sufficient grounds to call for the nullification of Oni’s victory. But the party should eschew violence and other illegal tactics. It should pursue its case within the bounds of the law.

In this regard, we urge the elections petitions tribunal to be quick and fair in adjudging the case whenever it is brought before it. The tribunal should not compound the unsavoury situation at hand with undue subjectivity and partiality, which are anathema to democracy.
The lingering controversy on the Ekiti gubernatorial polls is, indeed, worrisome. It does not give any cause for cheer. Apportioning blame at this point by the two parties is unhelpful. The electorate and the parties should leave the matter for the tribunal, which is empowered to address it and ensure that justice is done.

However, Nigerians will do well to learn useful lessons from the Ekiti saga. One of these is the negative impact of violence and intimidation on voter turnout in elections, as happened in Oye Ekiti.
Another burning issue is that of the failure of the REC to reveal the manner of pressure on her Christian conscience which made her withdraw from the elections, to go into hiding initially. Her allegations of pressure, and the latter volte-face have cast aspersions on the genuineness of the results she has declared. She needs to open up on this matter to give credibility to the result, and to convince Nigerians that she was not unduly influenced by the self-confessed pressure on her to compromise the outcome of the polls. Her acceptance of the contentious Ido-Osi results also calls for explanations.

In addition, the advice Mrs Adebayo gave to those who are not happy with the polls to contest it at the tribunal is both escapist and inappropriate. It is suggestive of prior admission of improper conduct of the election. It would have been better if she had assured Nigerians that the polls were conducted in a free and fair manner, rather than the open challenge to aggrieved persons to contest its outcome.

The unending Ekiti polls debacle is yet another confirmation that our politicians do not learn from history. Their desperation for public office questions their motives. The battle for public office should not be a do or die affair if, indeed, the motive is to serve the people. Our politics needs to reach a stage where elections will not only be free and fair, but candidates are both legally and morally qualified to hold the offices they occupy.

The bastardisation of democracy and public service in Nigeria under the excuse that we are in a learning process is no longer acceptable. For how long will Nigeria be under this interminable learning process?
One other fact that has emerged from the Ekiti re-run polls is the remarkable strength of the AC in the state. The PDP, according to the REC, won the election by only 4,123 votes. The import of this is that AC has a strong following in the state, even if the PDP genuinely won the election.

What this should tell Oni and the PDP, or whoever emerges winner at the elections tribunal, is the wisdom of carrying the other candidate and party along. It will be in the interest of the winner of the contest to win the other party over and collabrate for the sake of peace and stability in the state. A unity government will not be out of place under the present circumstance. The sooner this electoral dispute is permanently resolved, the better for peace and good governance in the state.

50 years of CBN

Anniversaries provide a unique opportunity for self-appraisal. They call for indepth assessment of things achieved and those that never came through as planned. Perhaps more profound is the fact that an anniversary, especially that of a monetary institution on which the economy of that country depends for policy and fiscal direction, must be worth-while if it provides a roadmap for a better, predictable future performance.

It is in this regard that the 50th anniversary of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) calls for more than clinking of glasses. It is so because confidence is the life-blood of the financial system. The Central Bank of any country is the vault that stores that confidence.

When the idea of CBN came up in the aftermath of the giddy days of bank failures of the 1950s, one of the lessons learnt was the need for a Federal Government-owned bank that would be genuinely committed to economic development. By sheer happenstance, the 50th anniversary of CBN has come at a time of enormous global financial challenges that requires all hands on deck.

According to the CBN Act, the institution’s mandates include: ensuring monetary and price stability, issuance of legal tender, building of external reserves to safeguard the international value of the naira. Other statutory functions include: promotion of a sound financial system and to act as the economic and financial advisor to the Federal Government. Taken together, in retrospect, the activities of the CBN, measured squarely against its mandates, have proved fruitful for Nigeria.

Some may, however, disagree, especially in the way CBN managed the Structural Adjustment Programme of the 1990s that saw a big depreciation of the naira against other major currencies in the world. But indisputably, the CBN has done well through the stabilization of the fiscal and policy regimes, particularly the inflation rate, to its present single digit level.

Perhaps, the most profound feat of the CBN in its 50 years of official existence, and which will continue to elicit public excitement and applause is the banking recapitalization exercise. From a modest N2 billion, the CBN raised the capital base of banks to N25 billion in 2005. This brought the number of banks down to 24. Initially opposed by some bank chiefs who saw it as provocative and crazy, in retrospect, and in view of the present economic meltdown, the consolidation exercise has proved to be a well thought-out fiscal measure.

This is also the case with the insurance sub-sector. It was a revolutionary reform policy reputed to be a world record in terms of cost to Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
As it turns 50, we advise the leadership of CBN to pursue vigorously the two remaining phases of the recapitalization reform plan. But this must be done with circumspection and clarity of purpose. The present global financial crunch is enough guide to chart a new policy thrust that will engender more confidence in our financial system. It should be in line with Nigeria’s peculiar circumstances and not neglect external variables vital to our nation.

In spite of some of these capstone achievements recorded over 50 years, the apex bank must, of necessity, engender more confidence in the banking sector currently beset by a combination of declining ethics, weak corporate governance, huge non-performing loans and over-dependence on public sector deposits. These problems, if unattended to, can vitiate the gains already made.

Looking forward, it is our view that a more proactive CBN is needed for the years ahead. This must be done with the strengthening of both the fiscal and monetary policy instruments. One area it must pay close attention to, is the continued depreciation of our currency, the naira. A weak currency cannot bring about the much-needed economic growth. There is also need to close the gap between the parallel market and the official market. The disparity defeats any genuine policy objective.
In these times of economic uncertainties, we urge the CBN to work closely and in harmony with the Ministry of Finance.

All said, while commending the apex bank for its achievements in 50 years, the CBN should be conscious of the fact that its mandate is so crucial, and indeed, can be likened to the role of oxygen in a living organization. We wish it greater strides in the years ahead.

Fuel: Deregulated confusion

For some weeks now, Nigerians have been groaning under the yoke of severe fuel scarcity which rendered most major cities in the country prostrate. Socio-economic activities have been terribly hampered, manhours lost in endless queues for fuel, while cost of transportation and essential goods have also shot sky high.

Coming almost immediately after a four-day strike by petroleum tanker drivers in Lagos over seizure of their trucks by Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) for illegal parking, the current scarcity is a direct fallout of Federal Government’s deregulation policy of the downstream sector of the petroleum industry, with the concomitant withdrawal of subsidy.

To make matters worse, vandals struck at the major pipeline system (System B2) of the Pipeline and Products Marketing Company (PPMC) that moves products from the Atlas Cove to Mosinmi, Ejigbo, Ibadan, Ilorin and Ore. This reportedly reduced the capacity to move products by about 30 percent, and most cities were thus rendered supine.

At the very heart of the scarcity, however, is the shortfall in fuel importation due to the refusal of major marketers to bring in fresh cargoes. This is directly attributable to the stoppage of subsidy payment by the Federal Government since it announced its intention early this year to fully deregulate the sector. The marketers were thus being owed to the tune of hundreds of billions of naira.

As insentive and unpopular as the withdrawal of petroleum subsidy is, it is further condemnable that the government merely announced the policy, and did not enunciate its pros and cons. Both the nation and the marketers were put in a state of suspended animation as there were no proper guidelines on the deregulation policy. It was the ensuing confusion that led to the fuel scarcity of the past few weeks and its attendant privations.

We note that Minister of State for Petroleum, Mr. Odein Ajumogobia says a major chunk of the arrears of subsidy owed marketers had been paid as at last week, but as a matter of urgency, we urge the government not only to pay up the outstanding amount, but equally clarify its position on deregulation, with distinct guidelines. The marketers shunned importation because the Federal Government announced discontinuation of subsidy on fuel, but did not make its position on pump prices clear. Was fuel still to be sold at the regulated price of N65 per litre? That was a question left hanging in the air, which caused the current scarcity.

Equally, it is shameful and disgraceful that Nigeria continues to depend wholly on imported fuel. All the four refineries in the country are not functioning, while not much progress has been made in attracting private investors into building refineries. We urge that the four refineries either be privatized, or completely sold. Adequate incentives must also be given for investors who had been issued licences to run refineries.

Assurances last week by the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) that the fuel scarcity would end within three days turned out to be a fluke, and could indeed never have been reality. NNPC imports only about 60% of the 32 million litres of fuel consumed in the nation daily, and there is, therefore, no way it can cope with demand. The shortfall must necessarily be augmented by the marketers, who are now left in a quandary by an ill communicated deregulation policy.

Chronic indecision and tardiness on crucial policies are, sadly, fast becoming hallmarks of this administration. For the sake of Nigerians exposed to untold hardship occasioned by scarcity of fuel, government must make up its mind what to do, and quickly too. Completely deregulate, remove subsidy, and show itself as the nemesis of the people, or reverse itself on the anti-people policy and let well be.
Already, Nigerians are stretched to the limit.

They provide their own power through electricity generators which run round the clock, generate their own water through boreholes, build roads in their own neighbourhood, and shoulder many other responsibilities of government. Now, they must buy fuel at astronomical prices due to no fault of theirs. If we must say the obvious, it was successive governments that ran down the refineries over the years, but it is the people now being made to bear the brunt.

Finetune the deregulation policy please, and let there be fuel. But then, full subsidy removal is not something the people deserve at a time like this, from a government that claims to respect their rights and which is out to serve them.

The NLC rallies

On Wednesday last week, the first in the series of nationwide rallies planned by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) held in Lagos. The protest marches are designed to pressure government into paying a new minimum wage, rescind its decision to withdraw subsidy on petroleum products, and implement wholesale recommendations of the Muhammed Uwais committee on electoral reforms.

Despite fears by the police and leadership of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which cried wolf where there was none, the rally in Lagos was conducted with utmost civility and decorum, a fact attested to by the governor, Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), when he received the protesting workers.

The three issues at the centre of the protest rallies are quite germane to us as a nation. In fact, they have been at the centre of national discourse for some time now, and the fact that the labour movement has taken them up shows an organization alive to the yearnings and desires of the people.

Minimum wage at the federal level currently stands at N7,500. A good number of states pay a lot lower. Labour, however, wants N52,000 as new minimum wage. Outrageous? By no means.

We believe that the extant minimum wage of N7,500 is grossly ridiculous, and indeed a travesty of anything called living wage, with the current economic realities in the country. And the economic downturn, we daresay, preceded the current global meltdown. Asking for better pay, therefore, is the legitimate right of the Nigerian worker, who is daily buffeted by the harsh financial climate.

It is gratifying that after the protest march last week, government announced the setting up of a committee, which will work with representatives of the labour unions, to arrive at an acceptable minimum wage. We urge the body to adopt a scientific approach to determine what is the true minimum living wage in the current economic environment.

The deregulation policy of the Federal Government in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry has led to the withdrawal of subsidy, signposting greater hardship ahead as petrol prices will naturally go up. This was another cause for the protest rally.

As we have regularly maintained, removal of subsidy on petroleum products may make a lot of economic sense, but scant social sense. It is a good economic argument which holds no water when juxtaposed with the concomitant havoc it may wreak on the social fabric. The worker who is paid starvation wages is compelled to pay through his nose for transportation, prices of foodstuff and other essential commodities will go astronomically high, and there will be anger and resentment against government. Meanwhile, economics is meant to serve man and enhance his well-being, not the other way round.

There are certain questions government must answer before the deregulation policy becomes a fait accompli. How are we sure money saved from subsidy removal will be judiciously spent on other sectors that will directly touch the lives of the people? What happened to palliatives recommended in the past during the hike of petrol prices? What safety net has been put in place to protect the citizens? What can we say the Nigerian citizen benefits from government, when he generates his own electricity, provides his own water, builds his own road? These are questions begging for answers.

On the recommendations for political reforms by the Uwais committee, the rejection of vital aspects by government has generated widespread condemnation. These include the mode of appointing the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the scrapping of State Independent Electoral Commission (SIECs) among others. We urge the National Assembly to look at these again as it considers the bills that have been forwarded to it in that respect.

Government is meant for the people, particularly in a democratic setting. It must listen to the voices of the people, and consider their demands and requests. The cautions raised by the PDP, and the Minister for Labour, Prince Adetokunbo Kayode, who said the rallies could undermine national security, were nothing but false alarms. They were indeed a carry over of military rule mentality.

Labour has the right to embark on peaceful rallies. We support such. The one in Lagos has shown that we are capable of showing our grievances in a decent, civilised manner. The onus is on government to listen, and have a rethink where necessary.

Labour and current challenges of governance

With a coalition of organised labour and reputable civil society organisations as arrowhead, the push for people-centred policies and legislations is causing ripples around the country. Already, protest rallies in Lagos and Asaba on May 12 and 15 have attracted record crowds eager to register alternative viewpoints on major issues.

The Nigerian Labour Congress, Trade Union Congress and civil society allies had President Umaru Yar’Adua address State House correspondents for the first time in two years, while Labour and Productivity Minister, Adetokunbo Kayode, was constrained to declare, “We will ensure that the average Nigerian worker is at par with any other worker anywhere in the world.”

On the key issues raised in the protest rallies, President Yar’Adua said deregulation of the downstream petroleum sub-sector became imperative after government realised that subsidies only enriched a few smart middlemen in the fuel supply chain. The policy, he emphasised, was desirable to guarantee uninterrupted supply of petroleum products and eliminate loopholes exploited by an existing cartel.

In regard to electoral reforms, he argued, quite plausibly, that Nigerians could submit to the National Assembly private bills expressive of their wishes and that government’s rejection of certain recommendations of the Uwais Electoral Reform Report was based on sound judgment.

Deregulation, as rightly emphasised by government, will encourage private sector investments in onshore crude oil processing and marketing. Investments mean new companies, businesses and job creation which, in the final analysis, is what organised labour and the Nigerian populace at large really desire. All the same, government must understand that its failure to provide the requisite guidelines, legal framework, and pro-competition laws, has created doubts about its sincerity and capacity to implement the policy to the benefit of the generality of Nigerians.

As the prelude to deregulation, the supply side of the equation ought to have been sufficiently addressed through diversification. Local sources of supply ought to be operating efficiently, so as to prevent the emergence of cartels and also check any tendency on the part of marketers to make the nation totally dependent on imports. The government needs to understand that its policy flip-flops and inconsistencies are largely responsible for the reluctance of potential investors to establish refineries in the country. A refinery owner wants guarantees that the government will not make fuel importation unduly attractive, fix prices and ensure that appropriate pro-competition laws are in place to protect its business.

On the subject of electoral reforms, the standpoint of the government appears logical on paper. But its insistence that the power to appoint key functionaries of the Independent National Electoral Commission should remain that of the President is objectionable, given the very sad experience of our country, from the era of Dr. Abel Guobadia to that of Professor Maurice Iwu, when electoral umpire proved to be a tool in the hands of the ruling party.

Labour and civil society groups have initiated the right line of action, by seeking 20 or so million signatures to enable them to prepare and submit to the National Assembly a private bill reflective of the standpoint of the generality of Nigerians on the issue of electoral reform. The activists have made it clear that they want wholesale adoption of the recommendations of the Uwais Electoral Reform Report, and Nigerians should give them the necessary cooperation to achieve their goals.

Given the rather unhealthy political circumstances of our country, where the legislative arm is literally incapacitated in providing the necessary checks and balances and lawmakers preoccupied largely with self-aggrandisement, labour and civil society have stepped in to prevent a void, giving voice to the generality of Nigerians on key issues of governance. They have to be accorded that recognition if government is truly desirous of popular participation in governance. It is encouraging that the Federal Government has already pledged, through the Labour Minister, to enhance the take-home packages of workers. It equally needs to manage its deregulation policy in a way that will lead to self-sufficiency in the supply of refined fuel products.

Trouble in the creeks

LAST weekend would literally pass as the longest in recent memory of thousands of residents of the Gbaramatu Kingdom and environs, in the Warri South West local government of Delta State, hosts to Camp 5 base of some militants in the Niger Delta region. The Joint Task Force (JTF) who had for long been engaged in a running battle with militants in the Niger Delta sees Gbaramatu and other communities spread across the region as haven for criminal elements whose cups have run over in the visitation of violence on the people, especially security operatives. Apparently on orders from above, the JTF operatives moved against the suspected hideouts of the militants to finally flush out the rampaging armed youths who have supposedly become a terror in the land. But in the process of the undeclared war, innocent residents especially women and children were caught in the crossfire. In the displacement, many became refugees in their homeland, exposed to the inclement weather and without the basic necessities of life. A needless humanitarian crisis has set in.

The community has been unfortunate somehow; they've had their fair share of violence. Here's the community that was thrown into a senseless communal conflict more than a decade ago over the relocation of the local government headquarters at Ogbe-Ijoh. So many lives were lost in that incident you will recall. It was one fratricidal war no one wants to recollect.

Nigerians woke up Monday morning to be confronted with the pitiful sight of displaced and distraught citizens who were mere victims of a show of brute force by soldiers against some armed groups who may have no clear motives of what exactly they are agitating for other than to achieve their ulterior motives. All we get to hear is that they are fighting for the emancipation of the region from the shackles of successive governments that have failed to consider the plight of their people whose lands provide the wealth of the nation.

Funny enough, they have always lived under an illusion that the Niger Delta terrain is such that it makes it practically difficult if not impossible to penetrate for soldiers or the armed forces - until the Federal might was unleashed last weekend. The singular military move alone was enough for concerned groups and eminent personalities to plead for a ceasefire and an appeal to President Umaru Yar'Adua to cause a stoppage and order a roundtable discussion over the matter.

It was difficult to believe that the community leaders and traditional rulers who all stood by and watched things degenerate to unimaginable levels and watched the armed youths become laws unto themselves are now struggling to provide solutions to a bigger problem. A deeper refection could then force a conclusion that some of these elders have also been beneficiaries of the activities of some of the gangs. To a great extent, the genuine militant groups have a point for their struggles but to a certain extent too I believe they have overplayed the means employed to achieve a purpose. There has been so much infiltration by renegade groups that have turned the whole struggle into a farce.

Not much has really been done to promote dialogue since the armed protests intensified in 2005. More culpable perhaps is the Federal Government which in the past has presented itself as lacking in initiatives to end the crisis in the region or has deliberately remained insensitive to the people's cries for justice - the only logical condition for peace - anywhere. Niger Delta has been a sore thumb in the hand of the government and would continue to be until an acceptable solution is found to the crisis. For now, that is a mirage.

A number of reactions have trailed the military exercise in Gbaramatu, many of them calling on the President to order an immediate halt of the attack. I think so too. The soldiers have already made a statement of their capability and it is logical that the casualties should be limited to what we have on ground. To continue the assault can only be a continuation of the trauma the innocent ones have been taken through. They should not be made to pay for the sins of some recalcitrant fellows over whom they don't have much controls.

The multiplier effect of the current onslaught on Camp 5, Oporoza and lately, Iroko Camp, echoes loud. The avoidable humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict is major among the lot. There are ominous signs the odds may even weigh against Delta State in the consideration of Warri as one of the host cities of the FIFA Under-17 World Cup later in the year. The FIFA inspection team currently in the country was supposed to be in the city on Monday for the final inspection of facilities. Tactically, the team asked the Warri sub-seat team to come to Abuja to make its presentation, which is very unusual. The inspection team members have registered physical presence in the other contending centres and made useful comments. I think the crisis has placed Delta in a difficult position. Here is a state that has prepared so well and has provided standard facilities that could rival any other in the country to justify its choice. (The hosting cities would be announced tomorrow).

That business and commerce will slow down in the area is to underscore the impact of a crisis of that magnitude on an area. It's enough to drive away investors from the state. Rivers State, also noted for militants' activities, is a perfect example of how not to lift militancy to a high pedestal in the life of a people. Most investors have run away and are now being lured back. Let us also consider the effect on upstream sector of the oil industry and by extension, the country's exports of crude.

Of course, we do not need to restate that the war in the creeks - that is what it amounts to - is capable of further militarizing the young minds who are lucky to survive the blitz of today. Whichever way one looks at it, what is playing out in Gbaramatu is an ill wind that blows no one any good. There is a great need for restraint by all parties involved. The president should realise that the Gbaramatu operation is a subtle declaration of war on a people he has sworn to protect, so he should order a ceasefire. He has handled the Niger Delta question well so far until the weekend push, given the two years he has been in the saddle. I don't think he should take arbitrary steps to create more enemies for himself there. All it requires is continued dialogue with the people, working towards ensuring they get their rights and finding ways to upgrade the living standards.

The militants should also realise that killing soldiers and security men (and kidnapping of both nationals and foreigners for a ransom) is not an act of bravery, it is an invitation to chaos and destruction. Militancy is not an art. Nigeria has had enough of internal aggression. Let us move forward please.

Yar'Adua and the oil mafia

President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua came out smoking last week as he briefed the State House press corps on fundamental matters of state. For me, I saw for the first time the face an angry leader who suddenly realised the roof was about collapsing on his head. One significant issue he tackled was his administration's final decision to deregulate the downstream sector of this oil-dependent economy. He did not mince words about a cartel that has operated so successfully and for a long time, unchecked. Good talk, Mr. President. But the nation would like to know who these vampires are that have been sucking the blood of the sufferers - in the words of legendary reggae great Bob Marley. It is not enough to give them a kick in the back. If their identities cannot be revealed, we take it that you have no business fighting corruption. Corruption, in the Nigerian sense, does not start and end with taking and giving bribe or stealing government money. We, the people, want to know our oppressors.

A mother's cry to her children

WHO can I turn to? Who can I call on to help me? There have been many who have promised me that my life would be different; that soon change will come. I have waited in vain for forty nine years.

When my children took over from the strangers in our homeland they swore that no longer would I give without being given; no longer would I be the slave of another. I was promised independence from those who crossed the earth to find me and to take from me. I was told that things would be different, that what I yielded from my lands would be only for my children. It was a happy time for me to know that I had much to give - oil, bitumen, palm oil, cotton, rubber, tin, coal, fruits, roots and tubers, vegetables, groundnuts; I had so much. I danced when my children came home and told me 'Mother, we are free!' I looked at each face standing under the bright sky, beneath those beautiful colours of earth and purity on the cloth waving happily in the sky and held my head high. I was Nigeria; I was the envy of my brothers and sisters; I knew I was destined to be a giant. The oil running in thick streams underneath my earth would bring us good and I was so proud of my children for what they had done for their homeland, for taking back what belonged to them.

My pride didn't last long. Too soon, my children fell to quarrelling and I watched as they slaughtered each other, their knives and machetes and guns pillaging through my fields and lands, destroying what we had. They nearly bled me to death. Thankfully, exhausted, burnt out from fighting one another, they stopped. They tried to mend their differences. Like every eager mother wishing the best for her children, I was only too willing to overlook the blood flowing down the streets, the heads without bodies and, the bodies bobbing up in the waters, without limbs. I ignored the memory of the stacks of burning flesh, the houses and homes that were destroyed, because I thought that if I pretended I forgot the war, my children would move on to a better life, to a life with no desire for victory, for vanquishing one another.

I was wrong. Oh yes, they moved on. They moved on to me. I should have known that. I should have known they would turn on me, their mother. It was the wealth I made; some wanted more than others and when they couldn't get it, they began to steal what belonged to everyone. They killed with strokes of the pen and with telephone conversations; they killed with threats and empty promises as they stole and stole the money I made for everyone. They killed with their carelessness and negligence. They killed with bullets. They always came with big words and big intentions; they wanted to make me beautiful once again; to put me ahead of my brothers and sisters born of our great mother Africa. But did they do what they said? They didn't.

In whatever garment my children came in because the outward appearance has always mattered to them; whether they came in green trousers, in black suits, in white gowns or, in the vibrant colours of their dyed clothes, they forgot their big intentions. I wept often for those whom I could see truly loved me but who couldn't withstand the lure of power, of authority, of money. They started programmes they knew they wouldn't finish, they ignored every other thing I had to offer - and stayed with the one that promised an immediate reward - the oil.

I curse that oil. It runs like blood through my veins but it has brought me more hardship than I ever thought I would ever see in my life time. It has ruined my lands and waters; it has made my children sell their souls and polluted the skies. Some of my children had let in those same strangers they had joyfully waved good bye to years ago back into our home. They showed them the path to the oil streams, handed them the keys to our front door and turned away their eyes. I curse that oil. I curse it because my children know I can do noting about it. I loathe what the oil has done to us but even I cannot make the wells run dry.

I am tired and spent. My chest hangs empty. I look at so many angry faces, so many lazy ones. So many of those who will give anything to earn an honest wage, many who plough through books with candles dying out in the hot wind. So many who watch their lives wasting away; many, their health ignored and neglected as more and more structures reach to the skies. They think structures will feed the hungry and clothe the naked. They think promises will teach my children the right thing in the school. They think inviting those people they sent off long ago will change the poverty they have inflicted on me. They think borrowing everything abroad without sifting for the good is right. Foolish children.

Abroad, I tread carefully because I know every one looks at me warily and that any crime will find fingers pointing to me. But I weep most when I hear what the others dare to say to my face. They call me the mother of crooks and the guardian of rogues. They sneer when I tell them that I will change my children. They laugh when I point out their own poverty hidden as it were behind the glass buildings and the glittering lights and the busy streets where my children have fled to make a living. I mention my children who are doing well and they still laugh. They mock me. They call me the mother of crooks and the guardian of rogues.

Sometimes a glimmer of hope comes. I see it in the few, the very few who are determined to do things differently. It is there in the bent backs of those who work at making life better for themselves and for others around them. My heart swells with pride at those ones. But they are too few. Many don't care as long as they are alright and the little tugs of conscience left in most are swept aside. I need more, more from my children. I need them to understand that all of us have to grow together; that for those of them who ascend to the top they have to do. Not talk. They have to do. They have to look to the real problems and not the symptoms. I have oil. Let them get the machines working. I have other minerals, let them get these out of the earth and call on their brothers and sisters to research and develop. This is what the other mothers that mock me have done. I have children, many hands prepared to work. Let them make it possible for my children to produce, to trade. I have water, vast bodies of water. Why do the taps run dry? Why do the houses stay dark in the night? Why do they let businesses close down when an enabling environment can make them stay on for years and years? Why? Now they have turned on each other again. Killing. Kidnapping. Terrorising.

I thought things would be different that day we gained our independence. Sometimes I fear that those who lorded it over me in earlier years left too early. Isn't a child who seeks no permission as it feeds from a mother better than the child who drinks and drinks and drinks and then cuts off its mother's breasts in its greed? And that is what my children have done to me. Sometimes I wonder if it is my fault. I cry because my children care more for their pockets than for me. I have given everything I can possibly give and I have been patient. But I fear my patience is running out for those of my children who make things even worse. Yes, they are my children. But soon, very soon, I who put a roof over their heads, I who gave them an identity, I will take it all away. Without warning. Yes I will do that. Someone should tell them there is only so much a mother can take. When my tears run dry and my anger takes hold, let them not cry to God then, for God though merciful, is also a God of justice.

Dbanj's Kokomansion and Nigerian womanhood

THE first time I read about HiTV and DBanj's proposed 'Kokomansion' show, I was extremely saddened at the levels to which we are willing to sink in our mad rush for fame, popularity/notoriety and cash! I do not wear the 'feminist' label - indeed, I wear no labels but believe that we should do unto others as we would have them do unto us. A look at the website had me in shock. I was rudely reminded that the expectations men have of women in our society are completely unrealistic and in some cases are reminiscent of what one would expect of a well-behaved pet at home.

Here are some of the things the Kokomaster is looking for in his 'kokolette': She must be able to 'cook sumptuous meals for Dbanj, his friends and family' (sounds like he should simply hire an army of chefs!)_ She must be 'very industrious, yet take care of the home front' (Betty Crocker move over - here comes Ms. 'Kokolette' Superwoman - how many men are very industrious, yet take care of the home front? - many hardly see the kids let alone the home front - puhleeese brother!)_

She must be able to furnish and maintain the 'upkeep of the mansion' (na cleaning service you want abi na 'soulmate'). She must be respectful and courteous at all times (when you meet this paragon of virtue, please introduce us to her - we need to learn this one!). She must be able to emulate 'notable women' in society (like who? Michelle Obama? Queen Amina? Hajia Yar'Adua? Oprah? The late Mrs.Funmilayo Kuti?). She is well cultured with 'sound domestic training' (I wish I could find me a pet with sound domestic training too)! She must have and maintain good moral values (like Dbanj huh?) She is an excellent 'host' (Hammer!) The list goes on.

The 'Kokolette' must be at least 18 years old to apply. Let me ask Dbanj, his producers, the sponsors of this show etc - 'Would you want your (at least) 18-year old daughter, sister, niece or whatever hanging around Dbanj for eight weeks trying to be this 'superwoman cook, cleaner, pet etc?' She stands to win a diamond ring, convertible car and_N5m cash reward... hmmm... in our mentally and pocket-impoverished society, maybe BUT all aspiring Kokolettes remember, diamond rings can get stolen/lost, convertible cars can crash and you can run through N5m faster than you think you can (just ask any lottery winner around) - you're better off focusing on school, your career etc - believe me, if you're good, you'll make far more than that consistently!

The objectives of the show are listed as 'projecting the attributes of a good woman, wife and mother' and helping a single man 'determine what he should be looking for in a woman he intends to marry'! Goodness! And to correct the 'perception of a kokolette being just a party girl to being a truly responsible woman, capable of holding her own both at home and in public' - WOW! This is also an interesting example of how Nigerian society puts women on an impossible pedestal saying how they should be great cooks, great mothers, industrious etc etc, etc while being these amazing hot chicks as well.

The churches, our mothers, aunties, etc. (who have been brainwashed by this nonsense) etc. do not help either with their constant haranguing of women to be 'the ones who make the home' and still bring home the bacon too. We forget that God made the woman to be a helper to man and not for her to be man's superwoman - so what do the men get to do apart from work and make money? Don't they make homes too? I have always admired D'banj and Mr. Toyin Subair's team for the strides they have made in their chosen careers but to see them denigrate womanhood to this level is disheartening - granted, they probably are really doing this in a bid to help 'men know what to look for in a wife', hmm. When are they going to do a show to help 'women know what to look for in a husband' and list all these amazing qualities huh? I, as a woman trying her best to just be a decent human being, plan to boycott the services or goods offered by any company that sponsors this show.

The N200b agriculture fund

LAST month, the National Economic Council approved the Federal Government initiative to provide the sum of N200 billion for on-lending for large-scale agriculture. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has subsequently provided guidelines on the disbursement method to be adopted and there is already, an overwhelming number of applications for a sum in excess of N300 billion which is above the current total of the scheme.

It appears that from conception to the invitation for applications, the CBN and the Government have been quick off the marks and deserve to be commended. However, there is so much cynicism about the efficacy of the policy and the fund.

The creation of the Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme (CACS) is, in part, a recommendation of Government and non Government-Committees on the requisite responses to evident distress situations in the Nigerian macro-economy: how to handle the effects of a global financial meltdown, the contraction profile in Nigerian public finance and a long-standing alarm on a burgeoning current food crisis.

The CACS package of N200 billion is exclusively dedicated for the intervention in the agro sector. Except for the N40 billion reserved for State Governments, it bears all the hallmarks of a medium-term commercial lending programme - five years maximum tenor - with the additionally unique feature of a single digit fixed interest rate. The CBN also underwrites to the Banks or Treasury the unstated subsidy differential which is bound to arise in the Nigerian market.

This scheme, said to be different from, and not to be regarded as another of the CBN's generational efforts in agriculture finance, is to be administered in direct partnership with the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources, as the proxy of the Federal Government. The funds for lending are from proceeds of a bond market fund-raising by the Debt Management Office and to be lent at an absolute maximum rate of nine per cent through two Nigerian banks to farms and agricultural enterprises.

In the current agriculture credit scheme, it is regrettable that the policies and guidelines that govern access to the fund are hardly known even among the target segment of 'large' companies (must be worth over N300 million in assets excluding the land) and 'non-integrated farm or agro-allied farmers (N200 million) until they meet either of the two designated banks. With regard to the State Governments and the Federal Capital Territory, the political masters, otherwise known as Governors or in the case of the FCT, the minister are left to pick and choose the beneficiaries of this selected access to cheap funding. This may not be good enough.

The frenzied advertising of the N200 billion fund for agricultural projects so far depicts our national peculiarities at throwing money at a problem. This impedes a proper dissemination of the important details of the initiative. This is a recurring reason when so often, Nigeria obtains suboptimal results from sound policies and ultimately make less than the desired impact on the national economy.

It is axiomatic that the National budget made no proposals for an agricultural sector fund, yet without much of a discussion, commercial banks incorrectly began to advertise to Nigerians that they had custody of funds from the Federal Treasury for agricultural sector borrowers. It is part of the misguided enthusiasm that may convey the long-term scheme as a political player's venture.

Taking into account the many hues and cries for Government intervention to inflate the economy, it is important that the Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme does not end up as one of those quick-fix suggestions in that direction. Nigerian political and business leaders should not misunderstand the scheme as a vehicle for populism and political party patronage.

It is a paradox that the place of agriculture finance in the political economy of Nigeria is so variegated and tends to be much abused in times of real emergency and under the direction of political champions. In this regard, both the Green Revolution and its predecessor, Operation Feed the Nation programme in the past, more or less became political adventures. We can reflect that, the one programme under the civilian authorities was not as successful as the initial efforts of the then Military regime; it is held generally that the then Green revolution was unable to sustain the agricultural prices index in the years soon after the military left.

But times have changed drastically. Nigeria caters for the agricultural produce that serves West Africa and the Sahel region and her own population growth rate has been excessive with little success in making the important socio-economic corollary milestones to mitigate the crisis. Providing support for the Nigerian farmer, through access to affordable loans, should however, be a good means of addressing the challenge of food security, if properly managed.