Transforming the semi-democratic state

THE semi-democratic state, in my own definition, is a state which upholds democracy as an idea but falls short in the application of its principles. The principles of freedom of speech and association, free and fair elections as well as transparency in government constitute essential attributes of the democratic state.

Most African states, including Nigeria, fall into the category of the semi-democratic state. We have witnessed in recent months two national elections on the African continent which attracted the attention of the international community. The Kenyan election of December 2007 resulted in violent protests in which more than a thousand people were reportedly killed, while Robert Mugabe's tactics or attempts to rig the Zimbabwean presidential elections of March 2008 have kept the rest of the world waiting.

Mr. Mugabe is 84; even when he was no longer popular he relied on the coercive institutions of state to sustain his rule. One characteristic of the semi-democratic state is the role undemocratic institutions such as the military and police are made to play in the democratic process. They aid and abet the rigging of elections, and are more than willing agents in the suppression of dissent. Mr. Mugabe used the coercive institutions of state to devastating effect; Condaleeza Rice, the American Secretary of State described Mugabe as a "disgrace to Africa". What a befitting epithet to the political career of a leader who would not leave office when the ovation was loudest!

The type of electoral misbehaviour recently highlighted in Kenya and Mugabe's Zimbabwe are common place in Africa and have more or less become the tradition in Nigeria since independence in 1960. Nigeria's most recent presidential election of April 2007 was not in any way less fraudulent than the chaotic Kenyan election of December. When the Nigerian electoral game was tagged "operation do or die" by the then incumbent president no one was left in any doubt as to what the intended outcome would be. General Olusegun Obasanjo single-handedly determined his own successor in office (as Mr .Vladimir Putin would later do in the semi-democratic state of Russia) in an election that was believed to have been massively rigged in order to ensure his will prevailed. That Nigerians did not take the law into their own hands like their counterparts in Kenya should not suggest the former were more civilised. Nigeria has shed more blood than most African nations since the inception of partisan politics.

The suggestion has been made, especially by some Nigerian commentators, that a bloody revolution is needed to sort things out. Of course revolutions have played a significant role in the history of democracy, but such revolutions were directed at sources that made democracy impossible in the first place. In Europe, for instance, revolutions have resulted in the eradication of the monarchy or curtailment of its influence. The history of revolt in some African nations has been a history of one ethnic group taking up arms against another. In Nigeria, for instance, a relatively minor religious disagreement has the capacity to provoke greater resentment than the rigging of an election. This, however, is not to say that a revolt of some sort cannot lead to positive change.

The road to true democracy is continuity. Democracy has been interrupted in Nigeria on several occasions since independence in 1960, while the American political system, for instance, has endured more than 200 years of continuity. We may today admire the sophistication of the Clintons, Obamas and McCains but the history of American presidential contest has not always been that straightforward. George Washington's elections in 1789 and 1792 were in effect uncontested. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson defeated Aaron Burr in an election in which no one had a majority and the election was turned over to the House of Representatives which deliberated and voted 36 times between 11 and 17 February 1801. The first time ever that a presidential candidate would go on a nationwide campaign tour was 1860 and that candidate was Stephen Douglas who lost the presidential election to Abraham Lincoln that year. A hundred years later, in 1960, came the age of television and the first ever televised presidential debate between John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon. America's presidential elections have continued to improve in transparency from the early days when the political mafia were said to have had a big say.

The citizenry and patriotic leadership must continue to emphasise the reform of the political process. Reform of the constitution and the electoral processes is essential to correcting the mistakes of the past. Those who have successfully organised the electoral overthrow of elected dictators must also learn not to behave like the tyrants they replaced. Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) who has persevered over the years in his campaign against the tyranny of Mr. Robert Mugabe has the historic task of launching Zimbabwe on the path of true democracy and development if he becomes president. Mr. Mugabe completed his own historical task many years ago "he liberated his nation from the clutches of imperialism" but greed and fear continued to propel him in office. He remains an important historical figure in Zimbabwean politics regardless.

The political party, it must be emphasised, is an important element in the democratic arena and true democrats must be tolerant of competing ideas. The political party may have been defined as an association of like-minded individuals but this is not always the case. The political party, in the Nigerian context, is an umbrellage of diverse ethnic, religious and ideological interests. The political party itself must be disciplined for it to be effective and successful in the organisation of state and society. Nigeria's People's Democratic Party (PDP) is building itself for the future; any political party that genuinely wants to complete with the PDP must begin to widen its nets now. The political party of the future must transcend the transient ambition of the individual.

The transformation of the semi-democratic state is largely about the economic and educational transformation of society itself. The African continent, in spite of its resources, is the poorest in the world. The quality of our democracy will improve considerably once the economic and educational fortunes of our people have also improved. Most Africans do not read, neither do they have access to television. Pseudo-democrats who only fend for themselves are quite happy with the status quo because all they ever want is to be worshipped.